Linear ceramic culture - Linearbandkeramische Kultur

Dissemination of regional respectively earliest archaeological culture with pottery (about 6000 - . 4000 BC. , About 7.500 to 5.500 BP [1] ):
  • Western LBK
  • Alföld linear ceramics or eastern LBK
  • Cardial or imprint culture
  • Ertebølle culture , Mesolithic culture
  • Dnepr-Don culture
  • Vinca-Kultur
  • La-Almagra-Kultur
  • Dimini culture, previously Sesklo culture
  • Karanowo-Culture
  • Pit pottery culture , Mesolithic culture
  • Note: The map is imprecise and needs to be revised; it only reflects the approximate territorial conditions of individual cultures.

    The linear ceramic band culture , also known as linear ceramic band culture or ceramic band culture , technical abbreviation LBK , is the oldest rural culture of the Neolithic Age in Central Europe with permanent settlements. The introduction of this culture , also known as Neolithic, subjected the pre-existing cultures to extensive changes; this is called the Neolithic , the epoch that began with the LBK as the Early Neolithic . In 1883 the historian Friedrich Klopfleisch was given the name "Bandkeramik"into the scientific discussion, derived from the characteristic decoration of the ceramic vessels, which have a band pattern of angular, spiral or wavy lines.

    With the appearance of the linear ceramic culture, there were a number of technical, instrumental and economic innovations, such as ceramic production, improved tool and work equipment manufacture, sedentarism, agriculture, cattle breeding, house and well construction and the construction of trenches. It was a period of economic change from an appropriating, extractive economic system to a food-producing economic system , which went hand in hand with the emergence of immobile property and storage for the group members.

    In the Anglo-Saxon literature, linear ceramics are referred to as linear pottery culture or linear band ware, linear ware, linear ceramics or as incised ware culture . Further designations, albeit more of the more general type, are: “first European peasant population / farmers” also as European Neolithic farmers (ENFs) or Early European Farmer (EEF) and, based on their original origin, also as “Anatolian Neolithic farmers”, Anatolian Neolithic farmers (ANFs) .

    Spread of the band ceramists

    The spread of the Linear Band Ceramic Culture (LBK) probably began around 5700 BC. BC - starting from the area around Lake Neusiedl - and created a large, culturally uniform and stable settlement and cultural area within a period of human history of around 200 years . The reconstruction of this cultural unity is based on excavations in the areas of what is now western Hungary ( Transdanubia ), Romania , Ukraine [2] , Austria [3] , south-western Slovakia , Moravia and Bohemia, Poland , Germany and France (here under the name culture rubanée: Paris basin , Alsace and Lorraine ). Accordingly, the LBK is considered the largest area culture of the Neolithic . [4]

    A possible division of the LBK into epochs in the sense of an absolute chronology [5] [6] is:

    • around 5700/5500 to around 5300: oldest LBK;
    • around 5300 to 5200: average LBK;
    • around 5200 to 5000: younger LBK;
    • around 5100 to 4900: youngest LBK (overlaps with younger LBK). [7]

    With the end of the LBK, the transition from the Early Neolithic to the Middle Neolithic is set in a synthetic chronology for Central Europe . [8] The band ceramic cultures or band ceramics in the broader sense also include the Alföld linear ceramics (Eastern band ceramics in Hungary: 5500-4900 BC), in the broadest sense also the stitch band ceramics in Central Europe (4900-4500 BC .).

    The band ceramists are probably closely related to the Starčevo-Körös-Criş cultural complex , which dates back to the period from 6200 to 5600 BC. Is dated. In the Danube region, it is considered to be one of the most important cultures of the early Neolithic and is regarded as an eastern precursor culture of the LBK (compare Pișcolt culture ). [9] The Starčevo culture was located furthest west to the Adriatic Sea and closest to the later LBK in the north, the Körös culture was a little further to the east and the Criş culture adjacent to it further east. [10]

    The Starčevo culture is also regarded as a precursor culture ( Starčevo-Körös-Criş culture ). The Hungarian prehistorian Eszter Bánffy wants to derive the LBK solely from the Starčevo culture. [11] [12] [13] 2014 paleogenetic analyzes by a group led by the German anthropologist Kurt W. Alt support this hypothesis. [14]

    Two models are primarily discussed for the process of Neolithization [15] [16] [17] :

    1. cultural diffusion: Appropriation of cultural techniques ( cultural transfer , acculturation ) by the local late Mesolithic population, autochthonous Mesolithic European hunter gatherers (HGs) of central Europe (WHGs) (compare diffusionism and cultural diffusion ) - the Neolithic developed out of the local Mesolithic population and Knowledge of agriculture, animal husbandry and the associated technologies was passed on from one indigenous group to the next from the Middle East without any fundamental migration of groups of people (also known as indigenist models )
    2. demic diffusion: immigration of groups from the Middle East (northwestern Anatolia ) - the bearers of the band ceramic culture were not members or descendants of the post-glacial , Mesolithic indigenous hunters and gatherers ; the spread of the Neolithic (Neolithic) was based on population growth with spatial expansion of agricultural communities or entire societies (also integrationist model )

    Between the two extremes, there are integrative models that represent a certain degree of mixture of indigenous Mesolithic, autochthonous Mesolithic European hunter gatherers (HGs) of central Europe (WHGs) and immigrated Neolithic population groups, Anatolian Neolithic farmers (ANFs) . This could have been caused by dominant elites, infiltration, leapfrog colonization, or flexible borders. [18]

    Based on DNA analyzes after the turn of the millennium, the immigration theory is preferred and has been confirmed several times in current studies. [19] [20] Whether increasing population density and the scarcity of resources, among other factors, were the sole motives for immigration cannot be determined with evidence ( push-pull model of migration ). [21] [22] The immigration or " settlement " took place across generations and over a longer period of time, often along geographically given, fluvial development axes.

    The exchange of material goods between the immigrant farmers ( ANFs ) and the autochthonous hunters and gatherers ( HGs ) could also be documented. [23]

    Origin of tape ceramics

    Ribbon ceramic vessels from Central Germany in the holdings of the prehistoric and early historical collection of the University of Jena, which Friedrich Klopfleisch used in 1882 to define the ribbon ceramic culture

    The band ceramics reached the northern loess borders in Central Europe from 5600 to 5500 BC. According to some common doctrines, it emerged from the Starčevo - Körös cultural complex. [24] [25] This is how the earliest ceramic band settlements in Transdanubia that have been excavated in recent years are interpreted. The vessels of the oldest band ceramics are characterized by their flat bottom and organic aging , they are very similar to the late Hungarian Starčevo ceramics. Around 5200 BC A different style prevails, the ceramics are now round-bottomed and inorganic. [26]Settlements of this transition stage were z. B. found in Szentgyörgyvölgy-Pityerdomb ( small area Lenti ), Vörs-Máriaasszonysziget ( Balaton ) and Andráshida-Gébarti-tó (near Zalaegerszeg ). The research group around Barbara Bramanti ( Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz ) examined ancient DNA from skeletons made of ceramic tape. The findings suggest that the wearers of the ribbon ceramics immigrated to Central Europe from the Carpathian Basin about 7,500 years ago. [20] From there, the band ceramists could have spread in two directions, on the one hand through Bohemia and Moravia along the Elbeto central Germany, on the other hand via Lower Austria along the Danube [27] to southwest Germany and further along the Rhine .

    Origins and spread of Neolithic agriculture in time

    According to this immigration hypothesis , there is no anthropological continuity from Europeans of the late Mesolithic to the ribbon ceramists. Then neither those nor the ribbon ceramists are to be seen as ancestors of today's European population (see the section The ribbon ceramists and the question of the ancestors of modern Europeans ). [28] [20] A study from 2010 even found matches between the DNA of ribbon ceramic graves from Derenburg (Saxony-Anhalt) and today's population in the Middle East . [29] [30] There, at the site of the Neolithic Revolution, the ancestors of the band ceramics would have to be looked for.

    The immigration hypothesis described did not go unchallenged: the archaeologist Claus-Joachim Kind (1998) stated that the band ceramics could be an autochthonous development in the European Neolithic. [31] [32] Silex artifacts in the oldest band ceramics point to Mesolithic traditions. The similarities between ceramics from the oldest band ceramics and those from the Starčevo-Körös cultural complex are also minor; this excludes immigration from those cultures.

    An autochthonous, in some cases multilocal, ceramic ribbon culture could have been established at the respective location through vertical culture transfer (i.e. a certain relationship between tradition and innovation); but this does not fit well with the striking uniformity of the culture in its area of ​​distribution. [33] This uniformity suggests a horizontal cultural transfer through transmigration, ie indigenous Mesolithic population groups could have adopted the Neolithic way of life from migrating groups (without having perished as a result). A corresponding further doctrine particularly points to the continuity of material culture. So had the flint - equipmentThe oldest ceramic settlements show Mesolithic features, which can be seen in “faceted face remnants” (faceted SFR) both in certain shapes ( cross cutter , trapezoids, etc.) and in the preparation of the face. [34] [35] [36] The band ceramics are also detached from a differently designed religious background, as Clemens Lichter (2010) states. [37] For example, the newly emerging circular moat systems in the Starčevo-Körös complex did not exist.

    It is unclear what proportion the so-called La Hoguette group had, which spread from Normandy (where the eponymous site is located) to the Main - Neckar region. A pastoral livelihood is assumed for this culture , i.e. non-sedentary sheep or goat herders who have had strong economic ties to ribbon ceramics since the spread of the LBK. The La Hoguette group can be derived from the Cardial or Impresso culture , an early Neolithic culture that chronologically precedes the Starčevo-Körös complex and was widespread on the coasts of the western Mediterranean. From the mouthfrom the Rhone it spread around 6500 BC. To the north and reached the Rhine and its tributaries as far as the Lippe about 300 years before the ceramic band . The proportion of pet bones is significantly higher in the La Hoguette culture finds than in the band ceramists, who conversely did more farming . Since intensive contacts between the two cultures have been documented, it is easy to imagine that the La Hoguette shepherds and the ceramic band farmers benefited from each other economically. [38]

    Ecological framework conditions and economy

    Reconstruction of the temperature course of the earth at the end of the last glacial period and in the following 12,000 years. The heyday of the ceramic band culture was between 5500 and 4500 BC. Chr.

    During the period of the linear ceramic culture, a warm, maritime climate with relatively high amounts of precipitation is assumed for Central Europe . [39] The heat optimum called the Atlantic , [40] also known as the " Holocene Optimum", lasted in Northern Europe from around 8000 to 4000 BC. The Atlantic was the warmest and wettest period of the Blytt-Sernander sequence , according to another source also the warmest epoch of the last 75,000 years. Both the average summer and winter temperatures were 1–2 ° C higher than in the 20th century; especially the winterswere very mild. [41]

    In Europe, the Atlantic showed regional temporal differences, [42] [43] there were also brief interruptions. [44] Such a time-wise sharply delimited climate change is the Misox fluctuation around 6200 years BC. During this period in Mesolithic Central Europe it was about 2 ° C colder within a few decades. The Misox surge coincides with the last outflow of Lake Agassiz into Hudson Bay . [45] This enormous freshwater input into the North Atlantic largely prevented the formation of higher-salt water because of its higher densitysinks. The resulting impairment of the thermohaline circulation ( convection ) in the North Atlantic weakened the North Atlantic Current as the northern branch of the Gulf Stream . The northward heat transport decreased, and in Northern Europe a regionally different but considerable cooling and drying started . Something similar could be observed at the same time for the Middle East, especially in the Fertile Crescent (see also Pre-Ceramic Neolithic ). The climatic consequences of the Misox fluctuation can be demonstrated in the development of vegetation in Europe for a good hundred years. [45]A hydroclimate reconstruction by Joachim Pechtl and Alexander Land (2019) [46] showed an extraordinarily high frequency of severe dry and wet spring summer seasons during the entire epoch of the LBK. Furthermore, the investigation revealed a particularly high annual degree of fluctuation in the period from 5400 to 5101 BC. And minor fluctuations up to 4801 BC. Prove. Nevertheless, the authors cautiously interpreted the significant influence of the regional climate on the population dynamics of the LBK, which began around the year 4960 BC. Have started.

    With the development of a warm, humid period and an increase in average temperatures , dense mixed oak forests with demanding hardwood species spread. In addition to oak and linden trees , there were also elms , birches , pines , various maples , willows , hazelnuts and forest grasses and herbs. Hornbeams and firs only repopulated these areas not so long ago. [47]

    How can the deciduous forest in the climate level of the Atlantic be reconstructed on loess soil? It was not an impenetrable forest with a lot of undergrowth, but rather a forest with only a small amount of undergrowth. Elm and linden, which, along with oak, determined the composition of the tree population, are characterized by a typical dense, branched treetop, so that a little undergrowth could only develop at the beginning of spring. In contrast, the oak has a much more open treetop, so that one has to imagine more and more semi-shade-loving plants under it.

    When Schwenden left stumps and roots (modern image, as can be seen from the smooth break edge and step ); [48] the result was an anthropogenic clearing of the forests

    The pollen analysis of soil samples shows the changes in the proportion of the various woody plants in northern Central Europe associated with the band ceramic . The primeval oak forests offered the band ceramists favorable conditions for settlement and forest pasture. The band ceramists gained settlement and arable land through (partial) clearing and felled oaks to obtain wood for houses or palisades . [49] Apparently they already used the ringing and operated Schwendbau . [50] Over time, the number of oak and linden pollen fell, while birch, hazelnut, and ash pollen became more common; it is assumed that the above-mentioned clearings contributed to this change in the vegetation pattern. The elm in particular is of great importance as a source of nutrition for cattle (forest pasture). Because the elm must have been one of the leading types of wood in the valleys of the loess areas, because the higher degree of moisture in the soil of this tree species is a little more beneficial there than that in the loess plains. [51]

    Dirmsteiner Lösswand

    Multiple analyzes of relict soils ( paleo soil ) as well as the deposits contained in them yield statements about paleo-ecological conditions. Such investigations showed that in many cases the Neolithic or ceramic band settlement was preceded by a steppe climate with black earth formation (Chernosem). Humic acids and humins contained in black earth , which form the basis of the clay-humus complexes of the soil, because humic substances can ions, are particularly important for adequate plant nutritionadsorb and thus store very well. Soils rich in gray and brown human acids were, in connection with the cold-age loess deposits or black earths [52], a major reason for the sustainable agricultural yields . The mild, warm summer climate of the Atlantic with its reliable weather patterns was a further prerequisite for the high agricultural productivity and the successful assertion of the Neolithic cultures in Central Europe. But parabrown earths were also encountered. [53]

    During this general climate change , Neolithic cultures [54] first settled the low-lying loess areas . [55] [56] The rural settlements of the band ceramics mainly spread along the smaller to medium-sized, branched and meandering rivers , with the smaller rivers or streams their upper course and source area were preferred. In the case of the larger watercourses, the band ceramists sought out the edges of the low terraces , i.e. slopes in the transition area between the floodplain and the flood-protectedBackland; They lived there in long houses, mostly in group settlements with five to ten courtyards. [57] Favorable loess soils were preferred, as were areas or microclimates with moderate precipitation and the greatest possible warmth. [58] There are indications that it was not the watercourses per se that promoted settlement, but other factors occurring in the areas concerned, such as the loess soil, which influenced the settlement, because the landscape, which is largely covered with sandy soil, had the opposite effect on both sides of the river rather inhibiting settlement.

    The main stream of the rivers is usually accompanied by many side streams in the lowlands , due to the low flow speed , and the surrounding landscape up to the natural high banks of the valley edges is constantly changed by the dynamics of the water flow . In these river valleys , floodplains, the floodplains , are created, which are shaped by the constant alternation of flooding and drying out.

    These preferences can also be easily related to the climatic changes during the settlement history of the Bandkeramiker: In large parts of their settlement area, microclimatic changes from rather dry-warm to more humid conditions occurred. [59] After such changes, the Neolithic people chose other places of settlement, because increased rainfall led to more violent floods ( flowing water type ) that occurred in shorter periods of time , from which the ceramic settlements in the upper third of a slope were better protected. [60] [61]

    Typically, more differentiated vegetation communities such as the winter linden - oak-hornbeam forest and the woodruff-beech forest were also found on the fertile loess sites . Here, depending on the season, forest pastures ( Hute ) and leaf hay extraction ( Schneitelwirtschaft ) were operated. The pasture in the forest was mainly reserved for summer fodder management, while hardwood hay production according to Ulrich Willerding (1996) [62]was used for winter storage. In this respect, ceramic forest clearing and pasture for arable and livestock farming are the beginning of the anthropogenic change in the dominant ecosystem, the forest history of that epoch.

    The fauna [63] contained forest-typical mammals such as wild boar , roe deer , bison , elk and red deer . Typical predators were badgers , lynxes , foxes , wolves and brown bears . The proportion of bones from wild animals varies greatly in the individual settlements, but decreases from the early cultures to the later ones. [64]

    Arable farming or crop production

    Leinsamen ( Linum usitatissimum )

    The cultivated plants could be determined with paleo- ethnobotanical evaluations of the soil samples, it was proven: [65]

    • Emmer ( Triticum dicoccum ) [66] and Einkorn ( Triticum monococcum )
    • Barley and husked barley ( Hordeum vulgare )
    • Trespen species such as the grass species that Karl-Heinz Knörzer called Bromo lapsanetum praehistoricum in 1971 [67] were typical companions of emmer and einkorn; Trespe is a type of sweet grass . In many samples, along with einkorn and emmer, its seeds made up about a third of the large-grain grass fruits, so that it can be assumed that the Trespe was not regarded as a "weed" but was consumed
    • Peas ( Pisum sativum )
    • Lentil vetch ( Vicia ervilia ) [68]
    • a small number of lenses ( Lens spec. ) and flax ( Linum spec. ) [69]

    Another source mentions spelled ( Triticum aestivum subsp. Spelta ) and limits flax cultivation to the species Linum usitatissimum ( common flax ). [70] Isolated finds prove the use of rough wheat (synonym: naked wheat; Triticum turgidum L. ), millet ( Panicum miliaceum ) and oats ( Avena spec. ). [71]

    All cereals listed can be sown as winter cereals in autumn or as summer cereals in spring . The harvest was then staggered in summer. Depending on the type of grain husk , a distinction is made between spelled (emmer, einkorn, spelled barley, spelled) and naked grain (naked wheat). In the case of husked grain, the husks surrounding the grain are more or less firmly grown together with it. In the case of naked grain, on the other hand, they lie loosely and fall off during threshing . The advantage of the husked grain is that it can withstand primitive storage better, the disadvantage is that the grains have to be peeled before grinding; but for this they must be completely dry.

    In summary and semiquantifying, the band ceramists mostly cultivated the spelled wheat species emmer and einkorn in the loess soils. [72] The cultivation of naked barley and husk barley were less common. Other types of grain such as spelled, oats, rye and millet could only be detected sporadically.

    The band ceramics cultivated other plants than the cardial or imprint culture (see above the section on the origin of the band ceramics ). It was only when both currents later met in the Main-Neckar-Rhine area that poppy cultivation reached linear ceramics. [73] [74] [75] [76] [77] This can be assumed since the older band ceramics . Binkel wheat ( Triticum compactum ) only became important in the late ceramic band . The hazelnut ( Corylus avellana ) was collected as a wild fruit . [78]The knowledge of the food supply is of central importance for the reconstruction of the living conditions of the inhabitants of ceramic settlements; The black elder ( Sambucus nigra ), the crab apple ( Malus sylvestris ), the blackberry ( Rubus fruticosus ), wild strawberry ( Fragaria vesca ), beechnuts and the fruits of the common beech ( Fagus sylvatica ), blackthorn ( Prunus spinosa ), cornel cherries ( Cornus) were found mas ), or poppy seeds( Papaver somniferum ) [79] consumed. [80] [81] [82] [83]

    In addition to geoclimatic, the geo-ecological research mentioned above also indicates a very mild climate during the spread of the ceramic band culture in Central Europe. [84] [85]

    The band ceramists were probably Hackbauern in the sense of Eduard Hahn (1914), [86] whereas Lüning suspected the use of the plow . The digging stick is the most important tool in hacking cultures ; however, this has so far only been documented for the later Egolzwiler culture . [87]

    In 1998, Manfred Rösch was able to demonstrate an increase in both the density and the diversity of species of spontaneous accompanying vegetation in the cultivated plant stocks (so-called "weeds") through botanical analysis of soil samples in various southern German ceramic settlement areas . [88] These data are consistent with pure summer farming. [89] However, whether the increase in accompanying vegetation speaks for fallow land or perhaps just for grazing cannot be determined from the evidence. The massive occurrence of some weeds and indications of a poor nitrogen supply to the soilsuggest that the agricultural production conditions deteriorated in the course of the ceramic band culture. [90]

    Early calendar systems are generally based on observations of nature and weather. [91] The course of the year is divided into repetitive corresponding phenomena without counting them. An observation calendar is based on natural, mostly astronomical events (such as the position of the sun , phases of the moon , the rise or position of certain stars ). With the occurrence of certain defined sky event (about the new moon , or of the day and night are equally long in the Central European Spring ) initiated a new cycle. [92]In crops such as the flat ceramics, which practice arable farming, it is necessary to record the seasons on a calendar . Therefore, parallel to the transition from a Mesolithic to a Neolithic society or from a hunter-gatherer society to a sedentary way of life, a transition from the lunar calendar to the solar calendar is assumed (see Goseck's stitch band ceramics and the circular moat ). [93]

    Wild or hunting animals, domestic animals

    Live reconstruction and proportions of an aurochs ( Bos primigenius ), the wild form of the domestic cattle ( Bos taurus ):
    left a bull : 170–185 cm in the
    middle a ceramic band: 170 cm
    right a cow: about 165 cm

    Wildlife, Wildlife Use

    On the other hand, the ratio of domestic and hunted wild animals in the settlements was very different from region to region. [94] All of these farm animals supplied meat, skin, horn , skins, tendons and bones as coveted raw materials in different ways as slaughter animals . [95]

    In the oldest ceramic band settlements, around 5700/5500 to around 5300, the analysis of the animal bones found, for example by Stephan (2003) [96] , suggested that the ceramic band settlers in certain areas were based on the technological traditions of the indigenous Mesolithic hunters, fishermen and set up collectors. [97] During excavations in an early ceramic settlement in Rotteburg-Fröbelweg, the animal bones were recorded qualitatively and quantitatively, in addition to the domestic and farm animals, which represent the species population customary from the band ceramic, such as cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and dogs, it was shown, however, that they were only represented in low frequencies. So they do not seem to have made a major contribution to the meat supply of the settlement inhabitants. On the other hand, the hunt for the wild mammals, red deer, roe deer and wild boar, which were common at the time, was of striking importance. According to Stephan (2003), high proportions of wild animals were also observed in other, if not all, simultaneous locations in southern Germany. [98]According to Schmitzberger (2009), bones from four species of red deer, roe deer, wild boar and aurochs together accounted for 89% of all wild animal finds so far determined by species. On the other hand, wild horses , European wild asses , elk and bison were certainly also sought-after prey animals, apparently more difficult to reach for LBK hunters in the investigated terrain due to the rarity of their bones in the finds . [99]

    Band ceramic pets

    The composition of the bone finds from domestic animals in the early linear ceramic hamlets was, on average, relatively uniform; about 55% domestic cattle ( Bos taurus ) [100] , 33% sheep / goats ( Capra aegagrus hircus ) and 12% domestic pigs ( Sus scrofa ) [101] .

    The immigration hypothesis of the origin of the band ceramics suggests that the livestock (and seed plants) were not created from the Central European wild stock through domestication or breeding, but were brought with them. Analysis of mitochondrial DNA shows that the pigs in Central Europe came from the areas of what is now Turkey and Iran. [102] [103] It can also be seen as confirmed that all European cattle descend from the Eurasian subspecies of the aurochs ( Bos primigenius taurus ), whose original home is in Anatolia and the Middle Eastlies; So they do not come from tamed European aurochs. [104] [105]

    Domestic cattle

    The domestication of the house cattle took place before the v 9th millennium. BC , ie in the Epipalaeolithic . Proof is that from 8300 BC Cattle came to Cyprus together with arable farmers ; [106] Also, research shows the mitochondrial DNA of recent domestic cattle that current haplotypes Central European domestic cattle breeds similar to those of Anatolian breeds of cattle. [107]

    However, it is still uncertain whether the current distribution pattern of domestic cattle in Europe goes back to the early Neolithic era. [108] There is a demonstrable gene flow between the Near Eastern Anatolian populations in the early phase of the European Neolithic, but this can be traced back to the period after 5000 BC. Limited. This is interpreted as an indication of large-scale trade. Accordingly, from the middle of the 9th millennium BC reached Eastern populations domesticated Western Anatolia and the Aegean regionbefore 7000 BC BC, after 6400 BC The genetic diversity decreased with the west migration. The Neolithic settlers reached the southern Mediterranean, but also southern France, by boat, but initially only with very few (female) cattle. Without any appreciable gene flow on the part of the native bovine species , their descendants reached around 5500 BC. Central Europe, around 4100 BC Northern Europe. Genetic diversity was once again lost, especially with immigration to Central Europe. [109]

    There is also evidence that band ceramists often castrated their bulls . Oxen are less aggressive and manageable than bulls, also less muscular than those, but more muscular than cows. [110] [111] Since the growth plates close later in castrated male mammals , oxen grow significantly longer than bulls and become larger than them. The late closure of the growth plate also affects the bony basis of the horn, the horn cone ( processus cornualis ), which the frontal bone forms in horn-bearing ruminants. Therefore, oxen can be distinguished from bulls by the horn cones. [112]

    The band ceramists apparently used the cased milk of their cattle. [113] However, the level of milk production of Neolithic cows differed significantly from that of modern cattle. [114] For example, small, funnel-shaped vessels with perforated walls that are very similar to modern cheese-making devices appeared at sites where they were found . [115] A working group around Mélanie Salque (2013) [116 ] was also able to detect milk fat in ceramic shards from ribbon ceramic production. Likewise, the development of lactase persistence (the ability of adults to milkto digest) connected to the ceramic band culture. [117] [118] [119] [120]

    The undergrowth of the contemporary mixed oak forests offered domestic cattle rather sparse food, so that larger forest areas were required if the animals were to cover their current energy needs through grazing . This resulted in a critical size of the herds for the individual ceramic band settlements. This varied with the location, but also with the type of farming such as long-distance pasture with winter leaf fodder use or animal husbandry near settlements made possible by improved arable farming. [121]

    Band ceramic sheep

    Probably, according to Jens Lüning et al. [122] , the "ceramic tape sheep " did not produce a sufficient wool yield as a secondary product. Because the development of the sheep's coat from the wild sheep to a woolier coat with less prickly hair took place over a longer period of time (towards the end of the Neolithic). It is possible that the people of the Neolithic gradually used the shed hairs that arose during the seasonal coat change to make yarn and fabric from it. [123] [124]

    Ceramic domestic pigs

    Although the keeping of pigs seems to be of less importance in a comparison of the ceramic house yards, the finds (bones, sculptures, idols) in some hamlets suggest a higher usage rate of these domestic animals. [125] [126]

    Band ceramic dogs

    Even in the settlements of the rural, ceramic band cultures of Central Europe , there were dogs that were found in graves and settlements, such as in the Swabian town of Vaihingen an der Enz . [127] It should not be about wolf-like dogs, but about medium-sized breeds. In 2003 a separately buried peat dog ( Canis palustris ) was found in the ceramic settlement of Zschernitz in Saxony . The dog from Zschernitz had a shoulder height of about 45 cm, which is compared to the size of today's Spitz . [128]It can be assumed that the neolithic dog breeds of the band ceramists already had the ability to differentiate between domestic and farm animals, on the one hand, which had to be protected or which had to remain intact, and hunted game . The loss of (wolfish) escape behavior in the event of imminent danger and a lack of aggressive behavior despite the predator-prey relationship in the human communities in the canine behavior repertoire was one of the essential requirements for the demarcation of the Neolithic domestic dogs from the wolf. The dog was domesticated since the Mesolithic , according to Raetzel-Fabian (2000). [129]

    Possible livestock diseases and health impairments

    For questions of hygiene, it seems important that livestock husbandry expanded the spectrum of possible pathogens. The microbiome surrounding humans began to change; as a result of the closer coexistence of LBK and their livestock or the corresponding culture followers . So-called zoonosis can be transmitted from humans to animals (anthropozoonosis) or from animals to humans (zooanthroponosis). Cattle are susceptible to bacterial zoonoses such as tuberculosis , salmonellosis [130] , brucellosis or anthrax and are therefore possible carriers of these diseases. The roundworm( Trichinella spiralis ) can colonize cattle, other mammals and humans. Other parasites such as the great liver fluke ( Fasciola hepatica ) also infect humans as well as cattle; the same applies to eukaryotic unicellular organisms such as cryptosporidia . Cattle are even intermediate hosts of a human parasite, the beef tapeworm ( Taenia saginata ). The brucellosis is a so-called venereal disease . It is made by the bacterium Brucella abortus from the genus Brucellawhen it infects domestic cattle . Cattle are the main hosts , while almost all mammals, including humans and poultry, are secondary hosts . The haemorrhagic septicemia in cattle caused by the pathogen Pasteurella multocida can also, albeit concern man nonspecific. In contrast, leptospirosis in cattle , as a Weil disease, can be quite dangerous for humans. [131]

    A study by Klingner (2016) [132] on a total of 112 adult individuals from the LBK from Wandersleben ( Thuringia ) found skeletal indications of diseases in connection with the domestic smoke gas development at the fireplace; chronic exposure to smoke gas . But there were also strong indications in the finds for cases of tuberculosis.

    Unilateral vegetarian diets favored changes in the microbiome of the oral cavity or the dental biofilm and was associated with the increased incidence of dental caries . [133] [4]

    Settlement

    The band ceramic production was based on agriculture and animal husbandry. This suggested building settlements where water was easily accessible and where the landscape and soil conditions were suitable. [134] In fact, ceramic settlements are mainly found in the lowlands of larger rivers with black earth soils, but not in the center but in the edge area of ​​such landscapes (up to 300 m above sea ​​level ), such as the edge of a high terrace or the upper third of one sloping hillside to the river. Settlements were often in close proximity to surface water, but also up to a kilometer away, such as inKückhoven or Arnoldsweiler . [135] The water supply from wells took place in all settlement areas and proves the high priority that was attached to a drinking water source directly in the settlement. In some cases, the distance to a flowing body of water would have been only a few hundred meters. [136]

    Important settlements are Bylany , Olszanica, Hienheim , Langweiler 8 , Cologne-Lindenthal , Elsloo , Sittard , Wetzlar -Dalheim. In the early Bandkeramik there was often a single long house in such a settlement , [137] in the later there were three to ten long houses. Characteristic longhouses of the Bandkeramische culture were found during excavations of the Bandkeramische Siedlung (Mühlengrund in Rosdorf) . [138]In older publications larger settlements were assumed; However, finds of house floor plans that are close together seem to belong to different periods, and it can be assumed that houses that had become unusable were rebuilt in the immediate vicinity. Large families probably lived in the long houses of the LBK.

    The central (Neolithic) innovations in a Mesolithic environment were sedentariness and immovable property . While (Mesolithic) forager cultures are more likely to have been characterized by a largely egalitarian social structure , where individually assignable property was less dominant, this became increasingly important in sedentary cultures due to unequal distribution . An uneven distribution is reflected in the ribbon ceramic grave goods . For Gronenborn (1999) [72] the different grave goods indicate, for example jewelry made from spondylus shells at burial sites of privileged individuals. [139] [140]

    The hamlet as a typical form of settlement

    Reconstruction of a LBK settlement in Hienheim with typical proximity to a body of water ( Archaeological Museum of the City of Kelheim )

    Settlements made up of several longhouses are called hamlets ; these were 3 km apart. The territorial area of ​​a hamlet comprised approximately 700 hectares. Each longhouse included a Schwendbau arable area of ​​approximately 2.5 hectares .

    Occasionally ditches and earth walls surrounded the hamlets. [141] Such systems, documented in the oldest ceramic band settlements, were closed except for a few passages and represented an approach obstacle for both animals and other people. They are therefore to be regarded as fortifications , but must not have served military-strategic tasks.

    Longhouses in a hamlet were about twenty yards apart. [142] On the area between them there are storage pits , slot pits and pits with built-in components such as pit ovens . [143] [144] [145] [146] [147] According to Pechtl (2008) a distinction is made between stoves and ovens in terms of construction . Stoves as open fireplaces can be provided with a specially prepared base plate, but have at most a low border on the side; Ovens, on the other hand, have walls. Pit ovens are ovens that are digged into the ground and their firebox is limited by the walls of the resulting trough.

    To interpret the excavations of Langweiler 8 , Ulrich Boelicke suggested the “ courtyard model ” in 1982 . [148] This assigns all pits to a nave that lie within an arbitrary radius of 25 m around its floor plan. The way of speaking of the courtyard as the economic area of ​​a ceramic house can also be found in Jens Lüning . However, the model is not supported by further research.

    Construction and use of the nave

    Comparison of different house types of the older and the younger band ceramics.
    The rectangular, 5-8 m wide and up to 40 m long structures contained three inner rows of posts that divided the space between the longitudinal walls into four naves. Parallel to the short wall, the posts also formed rows that divided the room into three modules.

    According to Modderman [149] [150] the LBK buildings can be divided into types of different sizes. The standard floor plan of an LBK house is rectangular. It consists of posts and various types of roof beams. [151] Occasionally, double rows of posts may appear on the outside. Floors or floor coverings have not yet been proven, as the soil erosion of the loess surfaces has decomposed the inspection horizon.

    For house construction, the first clearly identifiable structure in the structural design of the band ceramic property, from the early to middle phase, can be identified as the mostly five roof-bearing, parallel rows of posts. They were probably used to support purlins . [152] However, in many of the uncovered settlements of this period, the posts were not always arranged in the same size and parallel. A purlin roof construction can be assumed, whose parallel rows of posts indicate that the houses had uniformly inclined roof surfaces raised from the ground. A Y-post position gives an indication of the location of a side entrance or a possible oneDormer for light and ventilation. [153] [154]

    The longitudinal axis of a nave was usually north-south to north-west-south-east. [155] The houses stood on a base area of 20 m × 5 m to 40 m × 8 m; for settlements in the Rhineland, up to 255 m² was calculated. Load-bearing elements were posts arranged in 5 rows , [156] often wooden posts on the north-eastern side . The arrangement of the posts indicated that the four-aisled house was divided into a north, a central and a south module (see diagram on the right “House types”). There were also longhouses that consisted only of the central module or only this and the northern module. [157]In the central module, the distances between the posts were larger. A special post arrangement, the so-called Y-position, only appeared in an earlier form of the central module. [158] In the southern module, the posts contained additional holes. [159]

    Reconstruction of a Hienheim house of the linear ceramic culture

    The outer rows of posts were supplemented with mud-plastered rod networks to form walls, with the builders digging deep extraction pits along the side walls; In the Paris basin , such a pit was even interpreted as a well. The wood consumption for the construction of long houses such as the ceramic well construction using log construction shows the high level of effort involved in woodworking. [160] [161] In the northern module, the wickerwork merged into a closed split plank wall. The argument based on the posts gabled roof was probably with straw , reeds or bark covered. It is assumed that strings held the roof together (seeChapter on cords ), although the tools of the band ceramists would have enabled the production of simple plug-in or tenon connections . Because of the additional post holes, a false ceiling is assumed in the southern module. [162]

    One can only speculate about the use of the nave. The plank wall in the northern module could be due to a stronger influence of the weather on this house wall. The northern module could also have been the sleeping area. For the central module, additional finds and evidence of fireplaces suggest living and working areas. A storage facility is assumed in the southern module because of the possible false ceiling ; As a result, the nave was not only used as accommodation, but also for storage (for example after Jens Lüning). It is unlikely that the nave was not only an apartment but also a stable; at least phosphates can be expected from the breakdown of animal mistnot detectable in the soil. The pits created during the building of the house when the clay was removed were probably used as a cellar or landfill. Early research referred to them as "curved complex buildings" and wrongly interpreted them as the actual dwellings of the band ceramists. [163] Use as a stable house can therefore be excluded. The cattle were kept in adjacent forests and meadows, and smaller animals may have been kept within fences ( pens ) near the houses.

    The ceramic band houses were mostly built on loess-covered high terraces, that is, on the upper third of a ridge sloping towards the watercourse, river, stream. One had consciously sought out these slopes to build houses there. The reason was probably the climatic conditions of the early Neolithic, so above-average rainfall was frequent. This is supported by the following indications: [164]

    • Thick calcium deposits in the Atlantic and especially in the subboreal region ; [165]
    • In Central and Northern Europe, the European pond turtle , Emys orbicularis (LINNAEUS, 1758) [166] has been identified for the ceramic period ; it prefers to live in a very humid climate;
    • Two-grain einkorn dominates agriculture. This einkorn is characterized by its resistance to heavy rainfall.

    In 2007, Oliver Rück proposed a long house model with a living space partially raised from the ground. [167]So, as evidenced by excavations, the north-western part of the building could probably still have lay directly on the sloping terrain. With the increasing slope of the hillside and depending on the length of the house itself, the distance to the ground in the southeastern part of the house increased continuously. In the south-western part of the long houses there were additional posts (double post positions) in order to be able to maintain the statics of the wooden construction. If the distance to the running horizon was too great and thus the load on the post was increased, additional posts had to be installed. There was always a small wall moat in the northwest part of the building. In view of the high seasonal precipitation, this could have had a protective function for the part of the building in order to divert the runoff surface water.

    According to Jens Lüning , a long house housed a family of six to eight people, its size being due to additional storage functions. In a more recent publication, Biermann [168] looks at the extraordinarily high collective workload involved in its construction and concludes that between 20 and 40 people lived in it. [169] The different sizes and designs of the long houses could also reflect different origins or the social rank of their residents. [170] [171] [172] [173]

    According to dendrochronological calculations, the duration of house use was estimated at around 60 years. [174]

    Earthworks and palisades

    Although the structural climax of the circular moat systems is to be relocated to the Middle Neolithic (4900-4500 BC) [175] , such ring-shaped moat and wall structures and comparable circular moat systems were already in the early Neolithic period (5500-4900 BC) .) to be assigned. They are counted among the cultures of the linear ceramics (LBK) and the later funnel cup culture (TBK) (around 4200–2800 BC). The oldest systems were laid out as approximately circular, elliptical or rectangular pit-wall combinations, combined excavated trenches with raised walls, and come from the context of the LBK in the early Neolithic. [93]Since then, deep and wide trenches have been dug, the extent of which is interpreted as an organized, collaborative work performance. Earthworks of this kind were found in the period between 5500 and 3500 BC. Dated.

    The archaeological exploration and recording shows coherent systems of pits, trenches, ramparts and palisades, which appear for the first time in the ceramic band and are referred to as earthworks . [176] [177] These may or may not enclose a settlement; [176] The list of earthworks and palisade works of the band ceramic culture and Meyer / Raetzel-Fabian provide an overview . [178] Earthworks have already been demonstrated for the oldest linear ceramics, but more frequently in the more recent.

    An earthwork can form a round closed line with its longitudinal axis oriented towards the cardinal points. [93] Olaf Höckmann pointed out in 1990 that the clearly defined trench or palisade stretches showed a noticeable preference for the north-east, south-west and north-south orientation of the buildings, while the north-west dominant in house construction -South-east axis plays no role here. He interpreted these alignments in connection with astronomical references, for example, from observing the sun to calendar regulation. [179]

    The term was initially limited to systems with a continuous trench, but now includes other systems based on the observations in Herxheim [180] and Rosheim in Alsace [181] . In the case of the latter, a defensive function can be ruled out due to their successive development and their construction as individual, overlapping long pits. Sometimes skeletons or parts of skeletons, ceramics, animal bones, flint can be found in the long pits ; they could have had a cultic meaning.

    In Esbeck a fortification and settlement system ( earthworks by Esbeck ) was uncovered. Heege and Maier (1991) [182] and others [183] were able to prove a double ditch that partially encompassed the Neolithic settlement. The same ditch and a wattle fence surrounded the Eilsleben and Cologne-Lindenthal settlements. [184] Similar to the erection of the longhouses, these fortifications were only likely to be carried out in collaboration.

    Well construction

    Kückhoven (Erkelenz) , LBK well construction remains around 5300 BC Ch.

    A well is a construction for pumping water from an aquifer , thus opening up a regulated water supply for the settlements. [185] Ribbon ceramic wells consisted of pits up to 15 meters deep. There were mostly wooden structures joined together in block construction (so-called box wells) and hollow / hollowed-out trunk drums (so-called tube wells) that were erected from the bottom to the surface. However, it is still controversial whether a well had to be stiffened with wood, since over the years wells have been dug out in which the findings did not allow any conclusions to be drawn about wood. [186]In the course of the construction work, the pits were backfilled with the excavation. So far there are no indications of a secure expansion of the construction pits (the so-called Pölzung ). Obviously, the tightly joined and also usually caulked well boxes had two functions: they formed a storage container for the groundwater and at the same time played the indispensable role of a clearing. [187] [188] [189]

    The most important tool for woodworking, inter alia, for well was on a lower bar transversely geschäftete with the cutting edge to the striking direction Dechsel . Symmetrical ax blades that are operated in parallel are not documented for linear ceramics and did not appear until the late Middle Neolithic period at the earliest, but usually did not appear until the early Neolithic period. Experiments with replicas of flat ceramic dechs have clearly demonstrated their effectiveness. [190]

    Cultural techniques, population density and socio-cultural organization

    The advent of agriculture made carbohydrates much more readily available for human consumption . With the keeping of livestock, she created a prerequisite for an increase in population density . The new techniques mentioned were accompanied by others, such as the construction of ceramic wells to secure the water supply, or the stock management . In flat ceramic settlements, questions of land and property distribution and security had to be clarified. [191]

    The population density (of any population) cannot increase further if the resources of the natural environment of that population are exhausted. [192] [193] More specifically, as the maximum load ( = carrying capacity ) of a living space is defined that the number of individuals of a group of people for which the group may exist in the considered habitat for an unlimited time, without him lasting harm. [194] Examples of exhaustible resources are construction timber or energy sources such as firewood and foodthat can only be obtained in limited quantities in the long term from a given area. According to Zimmermann (2010) [195] , the estimated population density of the autochthonous Mesolithic population of Central Europe at the time of the arrival of the first Neolithic farmers was around 0.013 inhabitants / km². In the further course of the LBK settlement, the number rose to around 0.5 to 0.7 inhabitants / km² [196] with uninhabited or only temporarily used areas between the individual settlement clusters. [197]

    The social structure of the ceramic band companies remains unclear in detail. Mostly a segmentary , low division of labor and largely egalitarian form of society without major social differentiation is assumed. [198] [199] In view of the interpretations of the findings, this point of view is not without controversy, as archaeological finds from excavations of LBK grave sites show that the grave goods were different in terms of their size and value. [200] [201] [202]

    The social togetherness of the early LBK was shaped by widespread family associations; they had remained connected by independent (trade) networks, as can be seen above all in the raw material supply ( Silex ). [203]

    Social structures in ceramic band settlements, forms of residence

    Claßen and Zimmermann (2016) see the individual, potentially self-sufficient household as the basic social unit of the LBK, which finds its expression in the more or less large distances between the individual houses, hamlets or courtyards (building clusters). [204] Excavation records of the facility-related waste showed that every household was a unit of consumption. The house was, according to the hypothesis, inhabited by three generations . Eisenhauer (2003) [205] adopts unilinear patriotic residence rules . [206] After the (ritual) pair formation or partnership, the community established itself at the father's residence.

    The strontium isotope analysis [207] [208] from the female and male skeletal finds suggests a patrilineal or patrilocal descent. That is, a female sequence ( residence rule) to the man's place of residence . [209]

    The average life expectancy of the female LBK was lower than that of the male LBK. [210]

    Materials and their ways

    Flint (flint) an important raw material for rock tools
    Shell-like fracture of the flint, flakes

    There is some strong evidence that members of ribbon pottery settlements engaged in some form of Neolithic mining. This applies to the mining of red chalk [211] as well as to the search for flint . [212]

    Materials sometimes covered considerable distances (possible exchange systems ). This is how Rijckholt-Feuerstein came from the Dutch province of Limburg to the Rhineland. Amphibolites were preferably used as the raw material for ceramic band shoe last wedges , including metamorphic rock types of the actinolite - hornblende - slate group (abbreviation: AHS group ). Amphibolite probably came from present-day Bohemia in more western settlement areas, so that contacts between people in even more distant regions can be assumed.

    In the Rhineland , but not only there, there were larger main or central settlements for the ceramic band such as Langweiler 8 as well as smaller secondary settlements. From settlement to settlement artifacts made of flint ( synonym : flint artifacts ) have been passed on, such as raw pieces and so-called basic shapes ( cuts , cores, etc.), but also semi-finished devices such as blades and finished ones such as drills or scratches . The finds from smaller settlements mostly come from neighboring larger settlements. [213] [214] [215]

    According to intra-site analyzes, [216] that is, investigations into the processes within a site , such transfers can also be assumed within each band ceramic settlement. They can probably be traced back to social differentiations within the settlement. [217]

    Tools

    A wide variety of tools have been found in the area of ​​ribbon ceramic cultures . The attempt at a complete reconstruction of the band-ceramic tool inventory encounters the difficulty that vermutbare tool (part) e missing if they were made of organic material and decomposed are.

    Separating or cutting tools

    Tree felling experiment with a reconstructed ceramic adze [218] [219] [220]

    First of all, the (stone) adze blades should be mentioned. An adze is a cross-cut cutting tool, ie its blade is inserted into a shaft in such a way that its cutting edge runs through the plane of a cut at right angles. [221] More rarely, pierced club heads are found at the sites . The artifacts of the band ceramists show real holes executed as full or hollow holes ; they are made more complex than those used in the Mesolithic. [222] [223]

    In the center of the picture is a harvest knife from 5000 BC. Chr., On the right edge of the picture two pierced club heads , on the left edge of the picture various adze blades (Historisches Museum der Pfalz, Speyer ).

    The band ceramists often used a narrow-high type of dix, the blade of which is called a shoe last wedge , based on the shape of the shoemaker's last . [224] The term describes the flat bottom and the curved top of the blade, which often result in a D-shaped cross section. An experimental archaeological investigation, the "Ergerheim Experiment", showed that these stone tools can be used to fell trees without any problems. [225] [226]A classification of shoe last wedges according to shape type is only possible to a limited extent, since use and re-sharpening of a blade can change its shape. In addition to shoe last wedges, flat and wide blades were already available in ribbon ceramics; [227] Dechs equipped with them are called flat axes . The cutting tools were also used as weapons, as demonstrated by injury patterns on skeletal parts found, in particular skull caps.

    The band ceramists also used sickles , made from a slightly curved piece of wood. Notches were made in its concave side and sharp-edged blade knobs were fastened in the notches with birch pitch . [228] The finds often have a sickle luster . This is caused by intensive use of a sickle when cutting plants, especially grasses that contain silica particles, because these act like an abrasive on the sickle.

    In addition to the classic flint [229] , other raw materials were used to produce artifacts or tools in the linear ceramic settlements. For example, excavations in Stephansposching according to Pechtl (2017) [230] found the following mineral raw materials in this linear ceramic culture of southern Bavaria: Jurassic chert , alpine radiolarite , lydite , quartzite , rhyolite , obsidian . From a physical perspective, the sickle-like as well as the ax-like and hammer-like “wood-rope-stone tools” are simple machines .

    Ranged weapons

    In the band-ceramic culture were chert and Flint for the preparation of arrowheads or arrowheads, arrow heat used. [231] [232] Finds in the flint mine of Abensberg-Arnhofen indicate that the Abensberg-Arnhofen chert was a preferred raw material for tool manufacture, especially in the late ceramic band. [233] The arrowheads were often relatively small, their outline triangular, the lateral edges straight. It was easy to manufacture: blades were dismantled from a pyramidal core, these were deliberately broken and retouchedfurther processed. The biggest disadvantage of flint points is their brittleness , because if you miss a shot in the ground or a tree, the point often splinters. If it hits a bone in the body of a prey or enemy, this also happens, but the splinters are also sharp-edged and smooth-surfaced and are hardly slowed down. By shifting the center of gravity forwards and due to the size-related low air resistance, such arrowheads enable high accuracy. [234] In the European Neolithic , arrows were preferably made from the saplings of the woolly snowball , which were very elastic and unbreakable due to their fibrous structure ( shaft ).

    Fibers, cords and fabrics

    A fiber is an elongated structure made of plant parts, manufactured for everyday use and usually only subjected to tensile force (instead of pressure). Cords were likely made from bast fiber, as in other Neolithic cultures. In addition to bast from linden trees , which was very often used in the Neolithic, bast from other trees could also be processed. Depending on the tree species, they had to be " rotted " in water for different lengths of time . [235] Stem fibers from nettles and flax were probably also used, but have not been clearly documented.

    Hand spindles made of clay were found during the excavation of the Rosdorf “Mühlengrund” settlement . These spindle whorls could be used to produce threads and thus for the production of textiles . Some finds indicate that the spinning and weaving of nettles or flax fibers made fabrics. Clay figurines and figuratively shaped vessels can be differentiated into men or women on the basis of the differences in beard hair and hairstyle, Headgear and clothing. In both sexes, trouser-like trousers and throws can be seen over the upper body; however, the section is pointed for women and rounded for men. [236]

    A bark bag was found in an LBK well in Eythra south of Leipzig and was dated around 5200 BC. Due to the good conservation conditions in the water table, the bag was almost completely preserved. [237] [238]

    Household or other tools

    Bag made of bark, wood and bast (find from the former municipality of Eythra , Leipziger Land ) [239] [240]

    Harvested grain was crushed in sliding mills . A sliding mill consists of two grinding stones , the lower part and the upper part or rotor . To grind grain between the millstones, a person knelt in front of the person below, grabbed the runner and pushed it back and forth. [241] The not inconsiderable stone wear remained in the grist. Operating a sliding mill was a physically demanding job. Since sliding mills were often found as burial goods among female ribbon ceramists, it was more likely to have been carried out by women. [242] [243]

    Millstones, so-called sliding mills like these, were found in the graves of the band ceramists. On the underlay are a handful of grain and the runner.

    Jens Lüning assumes that the line ceramists already used the plow . [244] There is no clear evidence for this.

    Wooden seating and household appliances

    Jens Lüning suspects that the seating furniture depicted on the figurines, such as a bench and three-legged stool, were also used in everyday pottery. [245]

    Excavations of wooden finds from a well in Erkelenz-Kückhoven uncovered , among other things, three artefacts made of maple wood , a cup-shaped wooden vessel (10.5 × 13 cm), a knee pick with a tongue-shaped blade made from a fork (51 cm in length), a massive ladle and fragments of one Oak blade , the rake-shaped device originally had six prongs. [246]

    Bootsbau

    The fact that the band ceramists mastered simple boat building is likely due to their way of settling in the area near the river, even if only indirect evidence can be found for this. So basket boats, [247] skin boats or dugouts are to be assumed. [248] [249]

    Light a fire

    In the LBK, too, fire was probably produced by blow lighters (percussion) and not with friction lighters (friction). Such lighters consisted of three obligatory components: a "spark dispenser" made of fine crystalline pyrites ( pyrite / marcasite ), a "spark remover", i.e. a fire stone made of hard pebbles (flint, chert , quartzite or similar) and a "spark catcher", mostly Tinder from a tree sponge ( Fomes fomentarius ). [250]

    Cross section through a tinder fungus ( Fomes fomentarius ). The actual scale material is obtained from the fiber layer ( trama ), which is located on the top of the mushroom directly under the hard crust. The inner tube or pore layer was suitable for transporting the embers.

    The standard method of igniting a fire in the Neolithic is the "pebble lighter ", which can be proven in various finds from the ceramic culture. [251] They are also referred to as "marcasite lighters". To strike a spark , a piece of pyrite or marcasite is struck with another piece of pyrite or a flint . The generated sparks are dropped into an easily flammable material. The pyrite with its burning sulfur content is the "spark donor", the fire stone the "spark hammer". [252] As a tinder sponge (Fomes fomentarius ) or tree sponge is suitable in addition to the tinder with similar properties also the birch pore ( Piptoporus betulinus ). [253]

    Ceramics

    Ribbon ceramic vessel with eyelets and cords from Aiterhofen in Lower Bavaria ( Gäubodenmuseum , Straubing )
    Bandkeramischer Kumpf (location Marburg - Schröck , excavation 1983)
    Band ceramic Kumpf from Lesser Poland

    In the so-called "open field fire " ( burning ), ceramics were made from clay minerals . [254] For this purpose pit furnaces were used. Such pit ovens are often found, they are ovens below the ground level in excavated earth, the furnace of which has been dug out of the existing earth material. The artifacts, which had previously been air- dried , were lined up or stacked in such a pit on top of and next to each other; The heat input took place around this . As soon as the ceramics had warmed up evenly, the partly burned logs becamemoved closer to the ceramics until the whole thing was completely covered and the pieces started to glow. The pit was then covered so that the pottery could continue to burn in the reduction fire. The surfaces of the ceramics have already been smoothed using clay casting. Although the ovens did not generate very high temperatures, they were sufficient to make the vessels produced tough. In an open field fire, temperatures of around 800 ° C are reached. By definition , one speaks of a fired ceramic from a firing temperature of 600 ° C. A field fire lasted around 5-6 hours. In a number of ceramic band ceramics, devices were found in the form of knobs, eyelets or flaps which, it was assumed, were used to fasten cords . [255] The colors of the burnt earthenware ranged from yellowish-gray-beige to red-brown to light gray and dark gray-black. [256] Such spotty, different colored shards or vessels give an indication of unevenness during firing. In principle, clay minerals fired in an oxidizing manner result in light to reddish ceramics, while clays fired in a reducing process lead to darker to black color patterns.

    The extent to which there was a gender-specific division of labor in the manufacture of ceramics cannot be directly proven. EthnographicStudies indicate that such a division of labor also existed in the band ceramic cultures. It should be noted that the production of ceramics is a multi-part process, it comprises a series of work steps. So the extraction and possibly the transport of the raw material is at the beginning. This is followed by the processing of the raw material into a usable plastic mass. The vessels are then shaped by hand, air-dried and decorated in a leather-hard state. After the objects are completely dry, they are fired in the manner described above. There are different physical and manual skills for each stepor requirements a requirement. Extraction, transport and preparation of the raw materials (clay, fuel, etc.) are definitely physically demanding activities that require both endurance and muscle strength . A great deal of experience is required for the open field fire, the construction of the firing pits and the fire itself, as is the shaping of the ceramics and the creation of decorations, where (manual) skill and experience are essential. [257]

    Shapes and style phases

    The standard shapes LBK ceramic are: Kumpf , bottle, Butte (a bottle with five cross handles) and shell . It is very similar to the pottery of the Danubian Starčevo culture. Different styles or, better still, style phases can be differentiated along a timeline . [43] First of all, an older ceramic band from 5700-5300 BC. Chr. [258]and a younger 5300-4900 BC In the last-mentioned western ceramic band, one can essentially differentiate between the style phases of Rubané du Nord-Ouest, Rubané de l'Alsace, Rubané du Neckar and Rubané du Sud-Ouest. The vessels of the oldest band ceramics were thick-walled and strongly organically leaned . A technique was used to produce the ceramics without a rotating potter's wheel, by building strips of clay in a spiral or layering them and then spreading the joints.

    A distinction is made between decorated and undecorated ceramics, which, however, represents a more technical division, since undecorated ceramics, for T. also have decorations (e.g. border patterns). The group of undecorated ceramics mainly consists of storage vessels of coarse design and greater wall thickness. Decorated ceramics are mainly made of fine clay with thin walls.

    Decorating ceramics

    The decorations of the ceramics consist mainly of this culture, which gives its name to parallel bands with incised decorations. Such ribbon-like decorations with linear patterns were carved, engraved and grooved into the still soft clay around the vessel in order to be fired afterwards. In addition, there are motifs that were placed in the empty spaces between the bands, so-called gusset motifs (see illustration on the right: e.g. the three horizontal lines on the body). It can be assumed that the decorations, especially the gusset motifs, not only served a decorative purpose, but were rather to be understood as an expression of togetherness or as a symbol for social groups. A catalog of characteristics emerged from the project "Settlement Archeology of the Aldenhovener Platte (SAP)" (Rhineland), which began in 1973AG catalog of characteristics has been revised, supplemented and made available online. [259] In summary, the various incised, grooved, engraved and relief-like patterns as well as the lines or linear bands can be seen as typical LBK decorations. Typical motifs are also spirals, wave and arch patterns with various gusset patterns, meanders, angular patterns, zigzag lines, straight lines, short lines, notches, crosses, triangular rows and wing-like motifs.

    Jewelry and artistic representations

    Collar from a grave in the LBK cemetery in Aiterhofen-Ödmühle ( Gäubodenmuseum )
    Decorated bone tip , found in a linear ceramic fountain in Schkeuditz-Altscherbitz

    The band ceramists used the mussel shells of the prickly oyster ( Spondylus gaederopus, also called Lazarus rattle), which occurs in the Black Sea, the Mediterranean and the adjacent Atlantic. They made arm rings, belt buckles and pendants from the spondylus shells; they are mainly found in burial fields , such as Aiterhofen- Ödmühle in Bavaria and Vedřovice in Moravia. The jewels found in the inland, far from the seashore, indicate the trade networks that already existed in the Neolithic over great distances.

    Die anthropomorphe Plastik

    Typical sculptures were clay figurines of people, animals and animal-human hybrid beings, but also figuratively shaped vessels. They were not found as grave goods, but exclusively in the settlement area. Many were intentionally destroyed, recognizable by the fact that the broken artifacts are not destroyed at the weak points of the material. There were also traces of hacking on the torso of the figurines. [260] Since the earliest band ceramists, the most diverse types of figurative anthropomorphic representations have been found in the excavations. Often they are full or hollow sculptures, carved human representations and figurative finds made of bones. The sculptures are stereotypicaland are derived from the culture from which the LBK arose, the Starčevo culture. [261] As a cultural phenomenon they accompany the spread of ribbon ceramics in Central Europe, whereby they are limited to the settlement area of ​​the oldest ribbon ceramics and find concentrations are evident in Central German, Austro-Slovakian and Main Franconian-Hessian areas. A total of around 160 fragments are known, which are spread over a little more than 120 sites. The group of statuettes is therefore one of the rare finds within the spectrum of ribbon ceramics. [262] [263]

    Bandkeramik-Museum Schwanfeld, replicas of idol figures of the linear ceramic culture

    Small figurative sculptures are made of clay , are small in size and have almost always been found broken. The representations of the round eye sockets, the decorative element of the nested angles, the arms often pushed into the sides and the curly hairstyle of some statuettes are originally of band ceramic origin . While there are no known anthropomorphic sculptures from the Middle Neolithic cultural groups in western Germany ( Großgartacher Kultur , Rössener Kultur , Hinkelstein Group ), there are some figurines of stitched ceramics in Saxony and Bohemia, on the other hand, very diverse and numerous figurines in the simultaneous Eastern Lengyel culture . [264]

    Many figures, such as the seated ("enthroned") and richly decorated sculpture of the older LBK von Maiersch , lack clear gender characteristics. Jens Lüning interprets this incised decoration - including that of the animal-shaped ones - as clothing, which is plausible in various cases, at least when it comes to the clear depiction of belts and necklines of items of clothing. Hermann Maurer (1998) [265] , on the other hand, focuses more on ornaments that are reminiscent of skeletal representations and are understood by him in the sense of a cross-cultural " X-ray style ".

    The fragment of the “ Adonis von Zschernitzdating from the middle to younger LBK represents the oldest clearly male ceramic clay figure so far, as well as the sculpture from Brunn-Wolfsholz. Dieter Kaufmann assumes in 2001 that these little figures were intentionally broken Hypothesis, could have served as so-called substitute sacrifice. This is supported by the fact that the sculptures were not only broken at manufacturing-related weak points (head, arms, legs), but also at the torso, such as the "Adonis von Zschernitz". [266] All sculptures come from house or settlement pits - provided there are no reading finds - which suggests a cultic or ritual meaning in the house. [267] [268]

    Bandkeramik-Museum Schwanfeld, replicas of idol figures of the Bandkeramik culture, top right two figurines with "back of the head curly hairs"

    Figuralgefäße

    Facial representation on a storage bottle, Seelberg, Stuttgart - Bad Cannstatt ; State Museum Württemberg , Stuttgart

    In addition to the sculpture, there are also anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figural vessels. [269] Some vessels - for example the bottle-shaped ones from the older linear ceramics from Ulrichskirchen and Gneidingen - have depictions of faces , or they stand on human feet.

    Clothes, headgear and hairdressing derived from statuettes

    For Jens Lüning (2005), [270] (2006) [271] , the figurative-anthropomorphic representations made of clay represent an important source material for reconstructing the hairdresses , headgear and clothing of men and women of the band ceramic culture. The figurines, also known as idols, are mostly between 10 and 35 cm high and, according to the working hypothesis , would have played an important role in ancestral cult . [272] In addition to these objects, finds from band ceramic settlements, such as the spindle whorl and weaving weights , testify that one can in principleFibers , probably flax or flax, and wool-like fibers. Further indications are finds from ceramic wells , which were described as coarse to fine meshes . There is also an imprint of a linen fabric on a ceramics block of smelting clay from Hesserode , Melsungen district in Northern Hesse . From these finds and their interpretations, attempts were made to reconstruct both the clothing and the hairdress. The male clay figures of the band ceramics often have diverse headgear. Lüning suspected in 2006 that these were made of leather [273]( Tanning ), braids, linen or felt and also combinations of these materials.

    For the manner in which hair was worn, different hair styles were derived from the representations on the figurines; such as the so-called "top curly hairstyles" and "back of the head curly hairstyles". In the first case the curls would sit on the top of the head, while in the second case the curls were arranged on the back of the head, while the hair on the front head would have been laid out smoothly. As a third form, a “ pigtail hairstyle with a wreath of hair” could be derived, then a fourth so-called “ribbon hood hairstyle” - a band divided the hair from the forehead area to the neck - and a fifth “snail hood hairstyle ” and a sixth ( cornrow-like) "Ear hairstyle". The extent to which the hairstyles depicted on the clay figurines matched the (everyday) hairstyle of the band ceramists remains hypothetical.

    Due to the rich symbolism on the clay figures, the differences in the shape of the hairdresses and the headgear as well as the different patterns on the (figurine) clothing, it is assumed that this could have been the expression of the corresponding characteristics of the ceramic families, lineages and clans .

    Graves and spirituality

    Dealing with the dead

    Compass Rose de small ENE.svg
    Burial in the linear ceramic cemetery of Aiterhofen-Ödmühle ( Gäubodenmuseum , Straubing); typically in northeast-southwest direction of sight often in an easterly or south direction

    The actions listed below speak in favor of a cult of the dead or a funeral ritual; the center of the acting mourners is the deceased and the collective actions that are believed to benefit him in different ways. There are frequently occurring features that are to be regarded as characteristic of the band ceramists:

    • Establishment of burials mainly within extramural burial fields
    • Burial of only one deceased per grave
    • The corpse is furnished with some gender-specific additions
    • Bedding of the body in a crouched position on the left side of the body
    • Maintain an approximate orientation from east to west [274]

    The linear ceramics knew cremation , partial and body burials on grave fields , in settlements and in other places. Individual and collective burials were found, sometimes both forms of burial on the same burial ground. [275] [276] [277]

    In the body graves, a corpse was mostly placed in the left, more rarely in the right side position crouching ( stool grave ). Its longitudinal axis (anatomically: longitudinal axis ) corresponded mainly to the northeast-southwest direction, the imaginary line of sight often the eastern or southern direction . [278] The dead were buried in costume and with additions, with gender-specific differences. Typical costume components were chains and headdresses, arm rings and belt clasps. They could contain pearls that came from the prickly oyster ( Spondylus gaederopus ); this sea shell is in the Adriatic and Aegean seasspread and was traded over long distances. Beads were also made from stone and bones . Jewelry made from snails is documented in the Danube region, e.g. B. in the large burial ground of Aiterhofen-Ödmühle . In the hip and leg area there were often bone gags with an as yet unclear function. Millstones, shoe last wedges , arrowheads, colored stones ( red chalk , graphite ), animal bones, ceramics, spondylus and quartzite beads as well as bone gag remained from other additions .

    A second form of linear ceramic burial could be interpreted as a secondary burial . In the Herxheim mine, for example, the hand and tarsal bones were almost completely missing . Shards of deliberately destroyed clay pots showed band patterns from far away settlement areas; Isotope studies even found human enamel from non-band ceramics. [279] Other bone finds from Herxheim, however, showed traces of processing as with slaughter cattle, which indicate cannibalism within the LBK (see section on cannibalism in Herxheim ). [280] Also the scattered, small-scale bone finds from the Jungfernhöhleat Tiefenellern were initially interpreted in this way; after detailed investigations, however , Jörg Orschiedt assumed a secondary burial for them. [281]

    Dead or sacrificial ritual

    According to Norbert Nieszery (1995) [282] , four stages of band-ceramic death or sacrificial rituals can be identified, some of which are chronological:

    1. Prothesis and cult activities at the (open) grave (paint spread, fire sacrifice, deliberate fragmentation)
    2. Manipulation of corpses or skeletons (exhumation, empty graves)
    3. Transfer of a final dumping site and domestic cult (not archaeologically verifiable)
    4. Burial and dumping possibly also construction victims

    There is only evidence (of whatever type) for about 20% of the expected deaths in a resident population; Nieszery considers this group to be a privileged part of society (see grave field ).

    Jörg Orschiedt interprets the finds from the Jungfernhöhle , a Neolithic cult site in the Bamberg district , as an expression of this cult . The at least 40 mostly female skeletons (at least 29 were children under 14 years of age) puzzled because all of them were incomplete. It cannot be a burial site because the skeletons were also scattered around. All skulls were shattered and some long bones splintered, suggesting that the bone marrow had been removed. There were no teeth in the jaws. [281]

    In the ribbon ceramic sepulchral culture , the red chalk played an important role. Scattered red chalk inside the graves, coloring of the dead or additions in the form of cut colored stones or vessels filled with red chalk paste were an integral part of their cult of the dead. It is believed that the addition of red chalk is a special addition. Red chalk appears mainly in the more richly furnished ribbon ceramic graves. [283] [284] Usually, the dead were buried in stool burials on the left, facing east-west. As grave goods, men received stone tools and weapons, women ceramics or jewelry.

    Numerous different large grave fields were excavated at the Herxheim site, in which the dead were buried in simple earth pits. As at other excavation sites, most of the corpses were stored sideways for burial, with arms and legs drawn up. Overall, the number of buried dead who were lying on their backs and stretched out or who were previously cremated is rarer. The burned bones were then placed in a grave pit.

    Typical band ceramic stool burial, in the left side position of the uncovered and documented findings from the Herxheim settlement .
    "Lilith", skeleton of a 20 to 35 year old woman from the band ceramic era of the Rhineland, Neolithic settlement near Arnoldsweiler

    The grave goods for example at the grave field of Stuttgart-Mühlhausen, Viesenhäuser Hof [4] were for the buried women and children with regard to their range of gifts, apart from the ubiquitous red chalk dye, rather limited to ceramics. The men's graves, on the other hand, had a much more varied design: In addition to red chalk and ceramics, there were food additions, arrowheads, cut stone tools, bone and antler tools, but also items of equipment, e.g. B. to light a fire, as well as spondylus shell jewelry and robe gag were exposed. Furthermore, there were grave decorations with above-average abundance of red chalk packs, dechs, spondylus and quartzite beads, and bone gag. [4] [285]

    It is noticeable that when examining the spectrum of grave goods in the ceramic burial fields, the artefacts of spondylus conch shells , which appeared to be reserved for a small group of men and women. Whether this find situation suits religious functionaries remains unclear. Possibly the wearing of the mussel shells was not limited to a function as body ornament, due to profane prestige, but it could also have been a carrier of magical-spiritual powers and the utensil of ritual specialists. [286]

    The mass grave in Halberstadt, discovered in 2013 by an excavation team from the State Office for Monument Preservation and Archeology, in Halberstadt can be dated to the same time period using the radiocarbon method ( 14 C) as the already known graves from other parts of Germany and Austria. Comprehensive investigation of the mass grave recovered in the block revealed new aspects of the collective, lethal use of force . The distribution of the injuries to the skullcap from Halberstadt differ from that of other sites at the same time. The fatal injuries were almost exclusively placed on a specific area of ​​the victims' heads, mainly onOcciput and parietal bone . With one exception, these are younger men who have hardly any other ailments other than the serious injuries that occurred around the time of their death . Children are completely absent from the mass grave in Halberstadt. Among other things, it is hypothesized that this was a group of prisoners of foreign origin who were killed in a controlled manner. [287]

    References to cannibalism (Herxheim)

    Skull of a 20 to 30 year old man who was killed in the Talheim massacre . State Museum Württemberg , Stuttgart

    "The archaeological criteria for cannibalism are broken bones, hacking and cutting marks , longitudinal splitting of the long bones for the medullary and opening of the skull to remove the brain, as well as the effects of fire, which occur in the same or a similar way on animal bones and suggest the same treatment of humans and animals . " [288]

    Whether there was some kind of cannibalism among the band ceramists - cannibalism in extreme situations (e.g. due to lack of food) or in its ritual or religious manifestations - can not be clearly proven from the current finds . Although the bones come from recently deceased corpses , it seems reasonable to assume that the bodies will be dissected on site, and the type of cut marks left on the bone suggests that the meat was systematically cut up and removed. This interpretation would essentially contradict a second burial. Such is a subsequent ingestion in the sense of cannibalism, it is neither proven nor proven based on current knowledge.

    If cannibalism had taken place, it would have to be clarified for what reasons it was carried out. If it was the consequence and consequence of acts of war, an expression of a critical change in the relationship between man and the environment (in the sense of an ecological explanatory model), it was the demonstration of the actions of a local ceramic band culture, exclusively religious ideas moved people in their actions or Did the most varied of types, such as invasions , catastrophes and epidemics (in the sense of a non-ecological explanatory model), lead the band ceramists to such actions? [289]

    Incidentally, there are only a few ribbon ceramic sites ( Herxheim , Jungfernhöhle , Talheim , Kilianstädten ) in which human skeletons can be used to infer a violent death.

    Hypotheses about a spiritual system

    As with all non-literate cultures of pre - and early history can about the world view or the spiritual (religious) ideas of the people of the Linear Pottery no reliable statements are made. The anthropomorphic (human-shaped) sculptures and scratch drawings, which have always been of great interest in research, provide clues. The majority of specialist publications classify them in the religious area of ​​ribbon ceramics (compare Archaic Spirituality in Systematized Religions ). From the grave goods ( Paraphernalia) some authors conclude that the plot must be embedded in a religious-spiritual narrative; [290] a position that did not go unchallenged. [291]

    It can be assumed from these narratives that they connected the natural with a supernatural world and were accompanied by rituals. According to Clive Gamble [292] , the narrative is carried by the imagination of human communities, which makes it possible to imagine beyond the here and now and to exchange the contents in a promised way. [293] According to Gamble, these systems of ideas as an integral part of social life not only promoted the sense of community of a single local group, but created a form of identical (cultural) community over a greater territorial distance.

    Furthermore, the underlying scientific constructs or concepts of matriarchy or the (religious) worship of a mother goddess are in part only poorly documented in the scientific discussion or have to be classified in a different framework ; in any case, they often leave room for an ideologically colored discussion. [294] From this it is conclusively derived that the conclusions, which are presented as a finding interpretation and which are based on those hypothetical constructs, may only be read with sufficient criticism. [295] [296]

    Fertility cult

    The seasons with the rise and fall of the water levels in the rivers, and the course of the stars repeat themselves periodically, likewise connected with this the sowing and harvesting or the calving of the domestic cattle. Some researchers associate a reverence for fertility with the new mode of production (agriculture, animal husbandry) and as a result of observing the growth and decay in nature . The woman and her childbearing capacity were understood as their manifestation. It is therefore assumed that the ceramic band sculptures represented women or goddesses . [267]

    Ernst Carl Gustav Grosse divided the economic or production forms into five categories in 1896, the band ceramists formed the cultural level of low or early agriculture. [297] In these cultures women or the feminine had a strikingly high position, which is evident in the pictorial representations. The groups were organized matrilocal . [298]

    Svend Hansen , on the other hand, is of the opinion that the connection between women and fertility was a construction of the 19th century and could in no way be transferred to the Neolithic . A developed cult around a female deity with temple complexes and associated priesthood cannot be determined for the Neolithic in the archaeological find inventory. His criticism is based primarily on the fact that the gender of many statuettes cannot be clearly determined. From this he concludes that the assignment of the female gender in the statuettes was based on interpolation. In his opinion, when the female sex is questioned, the theory of the cult of a fertility goddess collapses. [299]

    Primal mother

    On the ceramics there is quite often the motif of stylized figures with raised arms and mostly spread legs. Even if the gender is usually not recognizable, the religious scholar Ina Wunn takes the view in 2014 that it is a question of women in conception or childbearing posture and iconographic representations of a primordial mother, such as those found in Çatalhöyük , for example . It is said to have been associated with birth or rebirth and death . [300] Whether there is a matrilateral cult around a " primordial mother. "“Has given cannot be deduced from the found material. In 1999, Wunn suspected that there were no “ fertility cults ”. Cult dramas of a deity who changed over the course of the year and was associated with the change in nature were of much later date and could not be proven for the Neolithic. [301] Wunn also suspects that the other female sculptures depict ancestral and guardian spirits , some of which were also worn as amulets . [302]

    Ancestral cult

    The interpretation of the sculptures and incised drawings as ancestral figures is also derived from the Neolithic economy. So it would have been necessary for agricultural societies to legitimize their land ownership through the existence of ancestors . Ina Wunn (2009) also suspects a house cult with its veneration of ancestors as an integral part of the religious life of the band ceramists, whereby the secondary burials on the one hand testify to the ancestor cult and on the other hand the celebration of death as a transformation and transition stage was expressed in this ritual. [303] Representatives of the ancestry like Jens Lüning mainly point to the following archaeological findings: [304]

    • The finding in houses, especially near the herd. The idea that ancestor worship is linked to the domestic sphere is taken over from religious studies in archeology . [305]
    • Some of the anthropomorphic sculptures are miniature vessels. In an ethnological context, these are associated with food and drink offerings. [306]
    • Mask-wearing sculptures or mask-like features of some facial representations. The connection between masks and ancestor worship is derived from both ethnological and historical analogies. [307]

    Finds of figurines or idols that are mostly between 10 and 35 cm high are interpreted in the working hypothesis in such a way that they played an important role in ancestral cult ( idolatry ). [308] All together, however, cannot be assigned explicitly or documented to the ceramic band culture.

    Substitutionsopfer

    Dieter Kaufmann interprets the anthropomorphic clay statuettes of the line ceramics as substitute sacrifice - as a substitute for human sacrifice. The starting point of his consideration is a finding of a human sacrifice in the trench of the youngest line ceramic earthworks of Eilsleben , district of Börde , west of Magdeburg, which he has examined and documented . [309] At a depth of 1.25 m (below the subgrade), a fireplace was uncovered approximately in the middle of the trench, which contained charcoal, mud, calcined flint and a fragment of a grater. [310]To the east of it lay directly next to it the fragment of a sanding plate and seven fragments of friction plates, directly below the skull of an ancient cow with a blow injury to the forehead. The skeleton of a 17–19-year-old woman was uncovered under the skull of the primal cattle at a depth of 1.37 m to 1.50 m. She was crouched so extremely that the excavation suspected that her extremities were bound. The dead head was pushed back strongly, so that the cervical vertebrae showed an extreme curvature. [311] In the area of ​​the ONO (head) - WSW-aligned skeleton, ceramic shards were recently found. A charcoal sample from the fireplace gave the following 14C date: Bln-1431: 5903 ± 60 BP; 1 sigma (68.2%) = 4900-4720 BC. [312]

    Kaufmann (1989, 2002. 2003) takes the view that these figurines were intentionally broken and that they served as substitute sacrifices [ 313] - as a substitute for human sacrifices [314], [315] . The symbolic “killing” of these sculptures would be indicated by the fact that the clay statuettes were broken not only at weak points (head, arms, legs) caused by the manufacture, but also on the trunk.

    The grating plates, obviously deliberately smashed, refer to the ritual grinding of grain. In this context, the primal cattle skull with a blow wound in the forehead will also be interpreted as cult. Dieter Kaufmann interprets this apparently staged laying down with the originally tied corpse of a 17-19 year old woman in the center as a human sacrifice, offered as part of a sacrificial ceremony perhaps by a village community, which could also be indicated by the large number of broken grating plates. In his opinion, instead of such human sacrifices, substitute sacrifices in the form of anthropomorphic clay statuettes were used in line ceramics. It is noticeable that these statuettes are usually found broken. The smashing of these clay sculptures[316]

    Regional chronological breakdown

    Regional chronological breakdowns of ceramic tape in Central Europe [317] [318]
    Regions in Central Europe Cologne-Lindenthal, Rheinhessen Rhine-Maas area Lower Main Area Central Germany, Saxony Moravia, Lower Austria
    editor Buttler/Koehl Dohrn-Ihmig / Modderman Meier-Arendt Hoffmann / Quitta Silent
    Oldest LBK no no Stufe I. oldest LBK Stufe I a
    Older LBK Stufe I Flomborn Stufe Ia / b Stufe II Stufe I. Stufe I b
    Medium LBK Stufe II Worms Stufe I c/d Stufe III Stufe II Level II a notehead
    Younger LBK Stufe III Stufe II a / b Stoves IV Stufe III Level IIb NKK / Žseliz
    Youngest LBK Stoves IV Stufe II c / d Stufe V Stoves IV Level III Šárka

    The end of ribbon ceramics

    The transition from the Middle to the Late Neolithic (Saarbrücken terminology) is characterized by the change in the linear ceramic culture into smaller-scale groups. In fact, this process is seen as the result of regional developments. From its 3rd stage (so-called younger LBK), the LBK has broken down into clearly distinguishable sub-groups: Rhine, Danube, Elbe, Oder groups (named after the important river systems on which the LBK developed into Central Europe ), which is not surprising given the enormous size of the original territory.

    Possible causes

    Distribution routes of preceding and following cultures

    The decay of the linear ceramic culture is accompanied by rising temperatures - the optimum 3 of the Holocene - in the Atlantic area. [319] This eliminates at least a long-term climate deterioration as a cause. Nevertheless, as Detlef Gronenborn wrote in 2007, climatic fluctuations with dry phases at the end of the band ceramic culture could have resulted in precarious living conditions. [320] Various climate proxy data support such a hypothesis , because at times drier environmental conditions may have been the cause of the search for higher and thus more precipitation-rich settlement areas.

    Sometimes there is speculation about increasing tensions as the cause. A find from Talheim indicates tensions at the end of the ceramic band. [321] In Talheim, the skeletons of 18 adults and 16 children and adolescents were randomly thrown into a mass grave. The lack of grave goods also speaks against a regular burial. Anthropological research showed that almost all individuals in the Talheim massacrekilled or shot from behind. The instruments used were cross-loaded stone axes and arrows. It can therefore be assumed that the perpetrators were also band ceramists. Of course, such theses are difficult to substantiate. Further evidence of violent life lost people within the band ceramics are among others the massacre Schletz and from Herxheim , from the massacre Kilianstädten [322] and out of Vaihingen ago.

    The Tübingen prehistoric historian Jörg Petrasch attempted critically to extrapolate the rate of violence to the total population in the ceramic band and came to the conclusion that such massacres could not have been singular events. Accordingly, acts of violence must have occurred regularly, albeit rarely, in the ceramic band societies. [323] [324]

    Another cause is seen in the population and settlement dynamics of the younger Bandkeramischen culture, in which a drifting apart was demonstrated on the basis of exemplary settlement patterns. According to Erich Claßen , the "Rhenish band ceramics" ended around 4950 BC. With a phase of low population density, so that there was a partial reforestation of the settlement areas; this is characterized as the "first Neolithic crisis". According to Claßen, however, it was not an abrupt, catastrophic event caused by external (climatic) influences, but rather the result of a long process of development within society. [325] [326]

    Shortage of raw materials , flint or flint. The continuous supply of the raw material Silex was fundamental for the band ceramists, as all cutting, scratching, sawing and hammering tools were made from this Stone Age material. In the final phase of ribbon ceramics around 5000 BC Silex became a scarce commodity. Apparently, Parzinger disrupted extensive networks of raw materials. [327]

    Discussion of the finds

    A large number of grave fields from the LBK epoch regularly showed a lack of any traces of trauma and thus potential direct physical violence. Thus, numerous individuals were unlikely to have encountered physical violence during their lifetime in the communities. On the other hand, clear signs of a higher frequency of physical acts of violence, and also to a greater extent, are from the later phase of the LBK. The massacre graves have provided ample material for discussion within archeology since their discovery. Some researchers see them as a sign of a collapsing society, which has become scarcer as a result of the increasing urban sprawl. There is also the thesis that the massacre graves document violent social disputes and struggles over land, pasture and arable rights. [328]

    The thesis of the scarcity of resources can be clearly documented by the increasingly shorter distances of the imported flint, ie the far-reaching trade or transfer contacts decrease towards the end of the LBK. At the same time, the first “professional” exploitation of the local deposits begins ( Abensberg-Arnhofen flint mine ). This can be understood as a positive backlash and should therefore not actually be called a “shortage”.

    An increased use of domestic animal resources (from “living canned meat” to specialized cattle breeding) can also be noticed; especially drastic in the menhir culture (formerly: LBK 5), which is evidenced by the massive meat additions, whole beef quarters and more, in the graves. Here, too, no “shortage” can be ascertained.

    Comparisons of the late LBK vessels with those cultures that follow directly in their area (Hinkelstein- / Groß-Gartach, Stichbandkeramik, Lengyel) show a homogeneous transition from the respective LBK group to the subsequent culture.

    Interestingly, those areas show the greatest LBK affinity which are closest to the area of ​​origin of the LBK: The Lengyel culture has a particularly smooth transition, whereas the westernmost successor groups of the LBK can be more clearly delineated.

    Subsequent cultures

    The linear ceramics is the most important culture of the Central European Early Neolithic . Its end marks (according to Jens Lüning's chronology ) the transition to the Middle Neolithic . [329] Successor cultures of the linear band ceramics

    Skull find from the pit of Herxheim near Landau / Pfalz (Museum of the Institute for Geosciences at the Ruprecht-Karls-University in Heidelberg)

    The band ceramists and the question of the ancestors of modern Europeans, anthropology and population genectics

    Reflections on the language of the band ceramists

    The Neolithic cultures were illiterate or non- literate cultures, orality in this context denotes the passing on and creation of narrative group knowledge [330] , and thus also explanations of technical-instrumental skills (house building, pottery techniques, stone working, livestock keeping, well building, etc.). [331] Processes that formed the LBK and its group structure and identity.

    It seems plausible that the band ceramists spoke a developed and initially uniform language. Jens Lüning (2003) believes that a differentiated linguistic system of terms is necessary for the construction of a ceramic longhouse in order to coordinate and use the required objects and work steps in a logistically meaningful way. [332] [333]

    In addition, within its extensive geographical boundaries and over time, the LBK shows a high degree of uniformity in its settlement and house construction, in the production of ceramics, but also in the stone tools used. If each microregion of the LBK had developed its own language ( dialect ) with varied phonetics and its own vocabulary , then in the vertical- diachronic culture transfer the initially uniform appearance of the earlier ceramic band culture would probably have been lost. These considerations suggest a "uniform language" (perhaps also on common religious-spiritual action).

    There are many hypotheses to which language family the band ceramists belonged to. [334] [335] [336] A connection with a derivative from the Indo-European original language seems rather improbable in view of the different time frames for the migration movements ( spread of the Indo-Europeans versus the spread of agricultural cultural techniques). However, evidence is provided to support the hypothesis. [334] For example, Gerhard Jäger sees that the Indo-European original language was spoken 9800 to 7800 years ago. This is with the so-called "Anatolian theory"compatible with the origin of Indo-European, according to which the first Indo-Europeans were Anatolian farmers and the spread of Indo-European was connected with the spread of agriculture. [337] [338]

    If the band ceramists had their origin in the Starčevo-Körös culture or in an Anatolian culture, which gradually spread in a north-westerly direction along the rivers to Central Europe - taking into account the general, low population or settlement density - then must one speculates that the Mesolithic locals with their more than 30,000 years of independent cultural development and that of the immigrants maintained their respective differences. It must also be assumed that the members of the two population groups spoke different languages. [339]

    The diffusionists , who see the appropriation of cultural techniques by the local late Mesolithic population, admittedly admit a migration to the Middle East or Europe, but see the band ceramists as the descendants of Mesolithic hunters and gatherers who would have taken over the “agricultural package”. [340] Then the different language areas that come into contact with one another would have a language contactmust enable complex cultural transfer. Such an exchange can have taken place through direct close or long-distance contacts between representatives of the ethnic groups who have access to the agricultural techniques, whereby by long-distance contacts one understands relationships that do not take place through spatial proximity in the immediate home, but z. B. take place through trade relationships.

    Significant sites

    See also

    literature

    General Neolithic and Band Pottery

    • Luc Amkreutz, Fabian Haack, Daniela Hofmann: Something Out of the Ordinary? Interpreting Diversity in the Early Neolithic Linearbandkeramik and Beyond: Interpreting Diversity in the Early Neolithic Linearbandkeramik and Beyond. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne 2016, ISBN 978-1-4438-9300-8 (englisch).
    • Lisandre Bedault: Research on Neolithic Danubian societies from the Paris Basin: structural approach to archaeozoological data more. Memoir XLIV of the French Prehistoric Society. Presses Universitaires de Namur, Paris 2008, S. 221–243 (französisch; academia.edu ).
    • Penny Bickle, Alasdair Whittle: The First Farmers of Central Europe: Diversity in LBK Lifeways (= Cardiff Studies in Archaeology). Oxbow Books, Oxford 2013, ISBN 978-1-84217-914-7 (englisch).
    • Eric Biermann: Old and Middle Neolithic in Central Europe. Investigations into the distribution of various artefact and material groups and references to regional traditions. Vol. 1, Cologne 2001 (revised 2003) ( [32] on academia.edu)
    • Niels Bleicher, Christoph Herbig: The Federsee: Landscape and Dynamics in the Neolithic. In: Irenäus Matuschik, Christian Strahm et al. (Ed.): Networks. Aspects of settlement archaeological research. Festschrift for Helmut Schlichtherle on his 60th birthday. Lavori, Freiburg / Breisgau 2010, ISBN 978-3-935737-13-5 , pp. 95-112 ( academia.edu ).
    • Wolf Dieter Blümel: 20,000 years of climate change and cultural history - from the Ice Age to the present. In: Interactions, yearbook from teaching and research of the University of Stuttgart. University of Stuttgart 2000, pp. 3–19 ( PDF: 1.7 MB, 18 pages on uni-stuttgart.de ( memento from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) on web.archive.org).
    • Wolf Dieter Blümel: Climate fluctuations. Determinants for cultural and settlement history. In: Nova Acta Leopoldina. NF 94, No. 346, 2006, pp. 13–36 ( PDF: 3.2 MB, 29 pages at lv-twk.oekosys.tu-berlin.de).
    • Peter Bogucki: Recent research on early farming in central Europe. In: Documenta Praehistorica. Band 28 (XXVIII), 2001, S. 85–97 (englisch; PDF-Downloadangebot auf dlib.si).
    • Joachim Burger, Mark G. Thomas: The Palaeopopulationgenetics of Humans, Cattle and Dairying in Neolithic Europe. In: Ron Pinhasi, Jay T. Stock (Hrsg.): Human Bioarchaeology of the Transition to Agriculture. John Wiley & Sons, West Sussex (UK) 2011, ISBN 978-0-470-74730-8, S. 370–384 (englisch; doi:10.1002/9780470670170.ch15).
    • Mihael Budja: The transition to farming in Southwest Europe: perspectives from pottery. In: Documenta Praehistorica. Volume 28 (XXVIII), pp. 27–47 (English; PDF: 21.0 MB, 21 pages on uni-lj.si ( memento from March 4, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) on web.archive.org).
    • Çiler Çilingiroğlu: The concept of ‘Neolithic Package’: Considering its meaning and applicability. In: Documenta Praehistorica. Band 32 (XXXII), 2005, S. 1–13 (englisch; academia.edu).
    • Erwin Cziesla: On the ceramic band culture between the Elbe and Oder. GERMANIA 86, 2008, pp. 405–464 ( [33] on journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de)
    • Pavel Dolukhanov, A. Shukurov u. a.: The Chronology of Neolithic Dispersal in Central and Eastern Europe. In: Journal of Archaeological Science. Nr. 32, 2005, S. 1441–1458, (englisch; doi:10.1016/j.jas.2005.03.021; PDF: 622 kB, 18 Seiten auf arheo.ffzg.unizg.hr).
    • Frank Falkenstein, Bernhard Hänsel, Aleksandar Medović, Predrag Medović: New Materials of the Bavarian Neolithic. 2 conference in the Windberg Monastery from November 18 to 20, 2016. Würzburg University Press, Würzburg 2018, ISBN 978-3-95826-099-3 ( [34] on opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de)
    • Kirstin Funke: The population of the Baalberg culture - an anthropological-archaeological analysis. Philosophical doctoral thesis University of Halle-Wittenberg 2007 ( PDF: 49 MB, 312 pages on uni-halle.de).
    • Hans Grimm: Craniological description of the band ceramic human remains from Seehausen in Thuringia. In: excavations and finds. News sheet for prehistory and early history. Volume 9, Issue 5, Akademieverlag, Berlin, 1964, pp. 233-237 ( zs.thulb.uni-jena.de TIF graphic on uni-jena.de).
    • Detlef Gronenborm: Climate Change and Cultural Change in Neolithic Societies in Central Europe 6700–2200 BC Chr. Verlag des Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseums, Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-88467-096-4 epic.awi.de
    • Detlef Gronenborn: Transregional Culture Contacts and the Neolithization Process in Northern Central Europe. In: Peter Jordan, Marek Zvelebil (Hrsg.): Ceramics before farming: the dispersal of pottery among prehistoric Eurasian hunter-gatherers. Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek CA 2009, ISBN 978-1-59874-245-9, S. 527–550 (englisch; academia.edu).
    • Detlef Gronenborn: Fascination-Neolithic. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum (RGMZ), Mainz 2007, ISBN 978-3-88467-111-5 ( PDF: 1.6 MB, 28 pages on rgzm.de).
    • Detlef Gronenborn: Climate, Crises, and the "Neolithization" of Central Europe between IRD-events 6 and 4. In: Die Neolithisierung Mitteleuropas. The Spread of the Neolithic to Central Europe. Reprint, Verlag des Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz, Mainz 2010, ISBN 978-3-88467-159-7 , pp. 61–81 (English; academia.edu ).
    • Elisabeth Hamel: The Development of the Nations in Europe. Tenea, Bristol / Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-86504-126-5 .
    • Margarita Javier de Guzman: Bandkeramik pit contents and stratification: a relational analysis investigating structured deposition. Dissertation, Department of Archaeology, University of Durham 2004 (englisch; etheses.dur.ac.uk).
    • N. Kotova: The Neolithization of Northern Black Sea area in the context of climate changes. Institute of Archaeology, Kiew, Ukraine 2009 (englisch; PDF: 1 MB, 16 Seiten auf uni-lj.si (Memento vom 4. März 2016 im Internet Archive)).
    • Thomas Link, Heidi Peter-Röcher: Violence and Society. Dimensions of violence in prehistoric times. International conference at Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg, March 14-16 , 2013. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2014, ISBN 978-3-7749-3929-5 ( PDF: 44 MB, 297 pages at uni-wuerzburg.de).
    • Sarunas Milisauskas: European Prehistory: A Survey. Springer Science & Business Media, 2011, ISBN 978-1-4419-6633-9, S. 164/165 (englisch).
    • Hans-Peter Niller: Prehistoric landscapes in the loess area near Regensburg. Colluvia, floodplain and soils as archives of the paleoenvironment. In: Toni Breuer, Klaus Heine et al. (Ed.): Regensburger geographical writings. Issue 31, Institute for Geography at the University of Regensburg, 1998, ISBN 3-88246-204-3 , p. 17/18 ( PDF: 21.7 MB, 452 pages on awi.de).
    • Yoanna Parinova: Older and Middle Neolithic in Austria. Graz May 27, 2010 ( academia.edu ).
    • Manfred Rösch, Otto Ehrmann, Birgit Kury, Arno Bogenrieder and others: Late Neolithic land use in the northern Alpine foothills: observations - hypotheses - experiments. In: W. Dörfler, J. Müller (Hrsg.): Environment - Economy - Settlements in the third millennium BC in Central Europe and southern Scandinavia. Offa-Bücher 84, Neumünster 2008, pp. 301–315 ( PDF: 2 MB, 17 pages on researchgate.net).
    • Edward Sangmeister : On the importance of prehistoric cultural boundaries. Reprint from the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg. Originally published in: Hans Fenske (Hrsg.): Historia integra: Festschrift for Erich Hassinger on his 70th birthday. Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 977, pp. 9–31 ( PDF: 855 kB, 24 pages on uni-freiburg.de).
    • Wolf Scheuermann: Reconstruction of prehistoric faces. Self-published, Hamburg 2015 ( PDF: 858 kB, 11 pages on homepage.t-online.de).
    • Manfred Schmitzberger: Domestic and hunting animals in the Neolithic of the Austrian Danube region. Scientific doctoral thesis University of Vienna 2009 ( PDF: 9 MB, 189 pages at univie.ac.at).
    • Hans Christof Strien, Detlef Gronenborn: Climate and cultural change during the Central European Early Neolithic (58th / 57th to 51st / 50th centuries BC). In: Detlef Gronenborn (Ed.): Climate change and cultural change in Neolithic societies in Central Europe, 6700–2200 BC. Chr. RGZM -Tagungen 1, Mainz 2005, pp. 131–149 ( academia.edu ).
    • Hans Christof Strien: Demographic and inheritance law considerations for the ceramic family structure. In: Erich Claßen, Thomas Doppler, Britta Ramminger (eds.): Family - Relatives - Social Structures: Social archaeological research on Neolithic findings. Welt und Erde, Kerpen-Loogh 2010, ISBN 978-3-938078-07-5 , pp. 71-81 ( academia.edu ).
    • Ulrich Veit , Tobias L. Keinlin, Christoph Kummel (eds.): Traces and messages: interpretations of material culture. Waxmann, Münster 2003, ISBN 3-8309-6229-0 , p. 225.
    • Siegfried Forty : Myths of the Stone Age. The religious worldview of early humans. BIS-Verlag of the Carl von Ossietzky University, Oldenburg 2009, ISBN 978-3-8142-2160-1 ( PDF: 4.6 MB, 186 pages on uni-oldenburg.de).
    • Bernhard Weninger, Eva Alram-Stern and others: The Neolithization of Southeast Europe as a result of the abrupt climate change around 8200 CAL BP. In: Detlef Gronenborn (Ed.): Climate change and cultural change in neolithic societies in Central Europe, 6700-2200 BC Chr. Verlag des Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseums, Mainz 2005, ISBN 3-88467-096-4 , pp. 75–117 ( PDF: 2.1 MB, 57 pages auz awi.de).

    Bandkeramik

    • Walter Meier-Arendt: The ceramic band culture in the Lower Maing area. Dissertation, University of Bonn 1966, ISBN 3-7749-0282-8 .
    • Adelheid Bach: Neolithic populations in the Middle Elbe-Saale area. On the anthropology of the Neolithic with special consideration of the band ceramists. In: Rudolf Feustel (ed.): Weimar monographs on prehistory and early history. Volume 1. Museum of Prehistory and Early History of Thuringia, Weimar 1978 ( PDF: 25.4 MB, 177 pages on db-thueringen.de).
    • Jaromír Beneš: Paleoecology of the LBK: The earliest agriculturalists and the landscape of Bohemia. Konferenzpapier. EAA Thessaloniki 2002, At BAR, International Series 1304, Band: LBK Dialogues. Studies in the formation of the Linear Pottery Culture. Mai 2004, S. 143–150 (researchgate.net PDF).
    • Christoph Bernd: Studies on the chronology and typology of the ribbon ceramics and the epiband ceramic groups in northern France and Belgium. Analysis of the ceramic vessels (= Saarbrücker contributions to antiquity. Volume 89). Habelt, Bonn 2016, ISBN 978-3-7749-4017-8 .
    • Maria Cladders: The earthenware of the oldest band ceramics. Investigation of the temporal and spatial structure (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 72). Habelt, Bonn 2001, ISBN 978-3-7749-2990-6 .
    • Maciej Dębiec, Thomas Saile: To the easternmost settlements of the early ribbon ceramics. In: Praehistorische Zeitschrift. Volume 90, No. 1/2, December 2015, pp. 1–19 ( doi: 10.1515 / pz-2015-0008 ; uni-regensburg.de PDF 2.5 MB, 24 pages).
    • Birgit Gehlen: On the state of neolithization research in eastern Bavaria: questions, sites, perspectives. Archaeological Working Group East Bavaria / West and South Bohemia / Upper Austria. In: Miloslav Chytráček, Heinz Gruber et al. (Eds.): Fines Transire. Born 18, 2009, Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westphalia 2009 ( academia.edu ).
    • Detlef Gronenborn: Silex artifacts of the oldest band ceramic culture (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 37). Habelt, Bonn 1997, ISBN 978-3-7749-2726-1 .
    • Detlef Gronenborn, Jörg Petrasch (Hrsg.): The Neolithisierung Mitteleuropas. International Conference, Mainz June 24-26, 2005, Volume 4, Verlag des Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz 2010, ISBN 978-3-88467-159-7 .
    • Tim Kerig: Hanau-Mittelbuchen. Settlement and earthwork of the ceramic band culture. Material template - chronology - attempt of an action-theoretical interpretation (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 156). Habelt, Bonn 2008 ( academia.edu ).
    • Corina Knipper: The spatial organization of linear ceramic cattle farming: scientific and archaeological investigations. (= BAR / International series. No. 2305). Scientific doctoral thesis at the University of Tübingen 2009. Archaeopress, Oxford 2011, ISBN 978-1-4073-0882-1 ( researchgate.net ).
    • Clemens Lichter (Hrsg.): How did farming reach Europe? Anatolian-European relations from the second half of the 7th through the first half of the 6th millenium cal BC. Proceedings of the international workshop, Istanbul, 20–22 May 2004 (= Byzas. 2). Ege Yayınları, Istanbul 2005, ISBN 975-8071-06-8.
    • Jens Lüning (ed.): The band ceramics. First stone age farmers in Germany. Pictures from an exhibition at the Hessentag in Heppenheim / Bergstrasse in June 2004. Leidorf, Rahden / Westfalen 2005, ISBN 3-89646-027-7 .
    • Jens Lüning: Some things fit, others don't: State of archaeological knowledge and results of DNA anthropology for the early Neolithic. Archaeological information, early view. DGUF Conference Erlangen 2013 ( Memento from November 7, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF).
    • Jens Lüning, Christiane Frirdich, Andreas Zimmermann (eds.): The ceramic tape in the 21st century. Symposium in the Brauweiler Abbey near Cologne from 16.9. – 19.9.2002. International archeology - study group, symposium, conference, congress. Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westphalia 2002 ( ISSN 1434-6427 ).
    • Hermann Maurer : On the oldest linear ceramics in the Lower Austrian Waldviertel. In: Bulletin of the Society for Pre- and Early History. Bonn 21.1990, pp. 35-45.
    • Hermann Maurer: An early Neolithic sculpture with X-ray style features from Slovakia. In: Mannus. No. 49.Bonn 1983, p. 55 ff.
    • Ivan Pavlů, Petr Květina: The cultural development in Bohemia at the end of the 6th millennium BC Chr. In: Andrea Zeeb-Lanz (Ed.): Crises - Cultural Change - Continuities. At the end of ribbon ceramics in Central Europe. Contributions to the international conference in Herxheim near Landau (Palatinate) from 14. – 17. 06. 2007. Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westfalen 2009, ISBN 978-3-89646-440-8 , pp. 283-302 ( bylany.com PDF).
    • Juraj Pavúk: Relative Chronology of the Linear Ceramics. András Jósa Museum Yearbook 1994, pp. 135–158 ( epa.niif.hu PDF).
    • Hans Quitta: On the question of the oldest ceramic tape in Central Europe. In: Prehistoric Journal. (1960) 38, pp. 1-38 and 153-188.
    • Katja Schmidt, Christian Jeunesse: Ceramic earthworks - defense systems? Varia Neolithica 01/2006; 004: 63 // 81. In: Hans-Jürgen Beier et al. (Hrsg.): Neolithic monuments and neolithic societies. Varia neolithica V (= contributions to the prehistory and early history of Central Europe. Volume 56). Beier & Beran, Langenweißbach 2007, ISBN 978-3-941171-27-5 , p. 83 ff.
    • Harald Stäuble: The first farmers in Saxony. Hundreds of settlements in just three regions. In: Archæo. No. 8, 2011 [!], Pp. 4–13 ( PDF: 8.4 MB, 11 pages on researchgate.net).
    • Hans-Christoph Strien: West expansion and regionalization of the oldest band ceramics. Communication and change. Monographs on developments in prehistory. Vol. 1., Welt und Erde Verlag, Kerpen-Loogh 2018, ISBN 978-3-938078-18-1 .
    • Ulrich Veit: Studies on the problem of settlement burial in the European Neolithic (= Tübingen writings on prehistoric and early historical archeology. Volume 1). Waxmann Verlag, Münster / Westphalia 1998, ISBN 3-8309-5385-2 .
    • Andrea Zeeb-Lanz : Violence in ritual - Violence against the dead. The crisis at the end of the ceramic tape in the mirror of extraordinary findings. In T. Link, H. Peter-Röcher (Ed.): Violence and Society. Dimensions of violence in prehistoric times. International conference from 14. – 16. March 2013 at the Julius Maximilians University of Würzburg. University research on prehistoric archeology 259 (Bonn 2014) 257–270 ( projekt-herxheim.de ).

    Settlement

    • Cornelia Catharina Bakels: Four Linearbandkeramik settlements and their environment: a paleoecological study of Sittard, Stein, Elsloo and Hienheim (= Analecta praehistorica Leidensia, 11.1). Leiden University Press, Leiden 1978, ISBN 90-6021-427-7.
    • Rainer Bartels, Wolfgang Brestrich, Patrice de Vries, Harald Stäuble: A Neolithic settlement area with circular moats near Dresden-Nickern. An overview. In: Sächsische Bodendenkmalpflege. Volume 45, year 2003, pp. 97-133 ( archaeologie.sachsen.de PDF, 12.4 MB, 37 pages).
    • Axel Berger: The Fisher-Skellam model for the spread of the Neolithic and comparison with dates for linear ceramics. Diffusional processes in the Neolithic of Central Europe. Institute for Prehistory and Protohistory , University of Cologne, Andreas Zimmermann, winter semester 2008/2009 ( axel.berger-odenthal.de PDF).
    • Eric Biermann: Considerations on the size of the population in settlements of the ceramic tape. Cologne / Düren 2001, pp. 1–11 ( academia.edu ).
    • Eric Biermann: Stone Club Heads - The Mesolithic Revolution and Band Ceramics. In: Hans-Jürgen Beier, Ralph Einicke, Eric Biermann (eds.): Adze, ax, hatchet & Co - tool, weapon, cult object? News from neolith research. Special print from: Varia neolithica. Volume 7 (= contributions to the prehistory and early history of Central Europe. Volume 63). Beier & Beran, Langenweißbach 2011, ISBN 978-3-941171-54-1 , pp. 9-27 ( academia.edu ).
    • Eric Biermann: Old and Middle Neolithic in Central Europe. Investigations into the distribution of various artefact and material groups and references to regional traditions. Publishing company? Cologne 2001, with revisions 2003 ( PDF: 11 MB, 683 pages on rheinland-archäologie.de).
    • Eric Biermann: Longhouses with ceramic tapes: The first large buildings in Central Europe. Considerations on the number of residents and use. In: Contributions to the prehistory and early history of Central Europe. Volume 56, 2009, pp. 29-41 ( academia.edu PDF).
    • Bettina Birkenhagen: Studies on the settlement system of western linear ceramics (= Saarbrücker contributions to antiquity. Volume 75). Bonn 2003.
    • Jérôme Dubouloz: Impacts of the Neolithic Demographic Transition on Linear Pottery Culture Settlement. In: Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel, Ofer Bar-Yosef (Hrsg.): The Neolithic Demographic Transition and its Consequences Springer, Berlin/Heidelberg/New York 2008, ISBN 978-1-4020-8538-3, S. 207–235.
    • Renate Ebersbach, Christoph Schade: Models for the intensity of ceramic land use using the example of the old settlement landscape of Mörlener Bucht / Wetterau. In: Jens Lüning, Christiane Frirdich, Andreas Zimmermann (eds.): The band ceramics in the 21st century. Symposium in the Brauweiler Abbey near Cologne from September 16-19, 2002. International archeology study group, symposium, conference, congress. Volume 7, Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westfalen 2005, pp. 259–273.
    • Klaus Fehn, Helmut Bender et al. (Ed.): Settlement research, archeology-history-geography. Volume 14 in connection with the working group for genetic settlement research in Central Europe. Publishing settlement research, Bonn 1996 ( ISSN 0175-0046 ; kulturlandschaft.org PDF).
    • Lutz Fiedler: Neolithic. Band ceramic culture in Hesse. In: Historical Atlas of Hesse. Working group of the historical commissions in Hessen, Marburg 1960–1978, ISBN 3-921254-97-3 , pp. 19–22 ( excerpt . (PDF: 2.1 MB, 4 pages) In: Landesgeschichtliches Informationssystem Hessen (LAGIS).) .
    • Michael Francken: Family and Social Structures - Anthropological Approaches to the Internal Classification of Linear Ceramic Populations in Southwest Germany. Dissertation, University of Tübingen 2016, urn : nbn: de: bsz: 21-dspace-718472 .
    • Christian Grube: The Wells of the Linear Pottery – definitions, features, chronology. In: Proceedings of the 11th Annual Symposium Onderzoek Jonge Archeologen. 12. April 2013. Groningen August 2014, S. 33–38 (view.joomag.com FLASH-Präsentation).
    • Daniela Hofmann: Social Relationships and Kinship in Band Ceramics. Structure of flexibility? In: Erich Claßen, Thomas Doppler, Britta Ramminger (Eds.): Family - Relatives - Social Structures: Social archaeological research on Neolithic findings (= reports of the Neolithic group. Volume 1). Welt und Erde Verlag, Kerpen-Loogh (Eifel) 2010, ISBN 978-3-938078-07-5 , pp. 31-42.
    • Daniela Kern : A linear ceramic settlement from Thomasl, Lower Austria. In: Archaeologia Austriaca. No. 67. Vienna 1983, ISSN 0003-8008 , p. 97 ff.
    • AM Kreuz: The first farmers in Central Europe. An archaeobotanical study of the environment and agriculture of the oldest ribbon ceramics (= Analecta praehistorica Leidensia , 23). University of Leiden, Leiden, 1990, ISBN 90-73368-03-0 ( de.scribd.com ).
    • Frank Lorscheider, Sabine Schade-Lindig: Young Pottery settlement with earthworks and fountains near Wetzlar-Dalheim (2006) (Geophysical exploration methods yRGKMethAusgrProspGeoph Wetzlar-Dalheim zTopogEuropMitteDeutsHesseLahn-Wetzlar-D Human Settlements yRGKArch05 - Siedl well yRGKArch05 - BefunBauweWasseBrunn earthworks yRGKArch05 - BefunBauweWall / Erdwe Pottery yRGKArch01 - band ceramics).
    • Jens Lüning: Some things fit, others don't: State of archaeological knowledge and results of DNA anthropology for the early Neolithic. Archaeological Information, Early View DGUF Conference Erlangen 2013, pp. 1–10. ( Memento from November 7, 2014 in the Internet Archive )
    • Michael Meyer, Dirk Raetzel-Fabian: Neolithic trench works in Central Europe. An overview. In: Journal of Neolithic Archeology. [Sl] December 15, 2006, pp. 1–54 ( doi: 10.12766 / jna.2006.20 ; PDF: 1.7 MB, 54 pages on uni-kiel.de).
    • Alexander Minnich: Investigations into the topography of large linear ceramic buildings. Master thesis, University of Vienna 2014 ( othes.univie.ac.at PDF).
    • Jörg Petrasch: Violence in the Stone Age - Archaeological-cultural-historical analyzes to determine their frequency. In: Jürgen Piek, Thomas Terberger (ed.): Early traces of violence - skull injuries and wound care on prehistoric human remains from an interdisciplinary perspective (= contributions to the prehistory and early history of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Volume 41). Workshop Rostock-Warnemünde November 28-30, 2003. Schwerin 2006, pp. 155–162 ( PDF: 1.8 MB, 11 pages on uni-tuebingen.de).
    • Thomas Plath: On the problem of interpreting the use of Middle Neolithic circular moats. Doctoral thesis, University of Hamburg 2011 ( PDF: 9.5 MB, 227 pages on d-nb.info).
    • Ernst Probst: Germany in the Stone Age: Hunters, fishermen and farmers between the North Sea coast and the Alpine region , Munich 1999, ISBN 3-570-02669-8 , antler tools p. 249
    • Oliver Rück: Two floor plans from the flat ceramic settlement Wittislingen “Am Wiesenberg”, district of Dillingen, Bavarian Swabia. Master's thesis Tübingen 1999. In: Archäologische Informations. Volume 24, No. 1, 2001, pp. 141-154 ( journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de ).
    • Oliver Rück: New aspects and models in settlement research for ribbon ceramics. The settlement Weisweiler 111 on the Aldenhovener Platte, Kr. Düren (= International Archeology. Volume 105). Rahden / Westphalia 2007, ISBN 978-3-89646-377-7 .
    • Thomas Saile: Settlement archeological studies on the early Neolithic in southern Lower Saxony. In: Contributions to the prehistory and early history of Central Europe. Volume 56, 2009, pp. 43-53 ( uni-regensburg.de PDF).
    • Edward Sangmeister: On the character of the ceramic band settlement. Reprint of the Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg in: German Archaeological Institute Berlin, West / Roman-Germanic Commission: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission. Volume 33: 1943-50. 1951, pp. 89–109 ( PDF: 1.1 MB, 22 pages on uni-freiburg.de).
    • Andreas Schäfer: An old settlement landscape reveals its secret. The discovery of a ceramic band settlement with earthworks in Lahntahl near Wetzlar (2002). Hessen Archeology 2002 (2003), pp. 33–36 ( zenon.dainst.org PDF).
    • Judith Schwarzäugl: The construction sequence of the central area of ​​the linear ceramic ceramic settlement of Mold. Houses 5-10 and 12. Diploma thesis. University of Vienna, 2011 ( othes.univie.ac.at ).
    • Stephen Shennan: The spread of farming into Central Europe and its consequences: evolutionary models. AHRC Centre for the Evolutionary analysis of Cultural Behaviour and Institute of Archaeology, S. 1–18 (PDF: 276 kB, 18 Seiten auf wustl.edu (Memento vom 13. September 2014 im Internet Archive)).
    • Harald Stäuble: Houses and absolute dating of the oldest band ceramics (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 117). Habelt, Bonn 2005, ISBN 978-3-7749-3199-2 .
    • New questions about ribbon ceramics or everything the same as before ?! International conference, Leipzig, 23.-24. September 2010 ( abstracts ).
    • Hans-Christoph Strien: Settlement history of the Zabergäus 5500-5000 BC Chr. Special print from: Christhard Schrenk, Peter Wanner (Ed.): Heilbronnica 5 - Contributions to the city and regional history Sources and research on the history of the city of Heilbronn. No. 20 (= yearbook for Swabian-Franconian history. Volume 37). Heilbronn City Archives, 2013, pp. 35–50 ( PDF: 932 kB, 17 pages at heilbronn.de).
    • Andreas Zimmermann, Karl Peter Wendt: How many band ceramists lived 5,060 BC? Chr.? Geographic Information System Techniques for Estimating Population Density. In: Archaeological Information. Volume 26, No. 2, 2003, pp. 491-497 ( journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de ).

    Exchange systems

    • Alexander Binsteiner : New Stone Age chert imports from Bavaria in Upper Austria (= Linzer Arch. Forsch., Special issue. Volume 53). Linz 2015, ISBN 978-3-85484-601-7 .
    • Alexander Binsteiner: The deposits and the mining of Bavarian Jura chimneys and their distribution in the Neolithic of Central and Eastern Europe. In: Yearbook of the Roman-Germanic Central Museum Mainz. No. 52, 2005, pp. 43-155.
    • A.-M. Christensen, P.M. Holm u. a.: Indications of a major Neolithic trade route? An archaeometric geochemical and Sr, Pb isotope study on amphibolitic raw material from present day Europe. In: Applied Geochemistry. Band 21, 2006, S. 1635–1655 (PDF: 220 kB, 14 Seiten auf uni-tuebingen.de).
    • Detlef Gronenborn: Long-distance contacts from northern Europe during the band ceramic culture. In: Panta Rhei. Studies in chronology and cultural development of South-eastern ans Central Europe in earlier prehistory presented to Juraj Pavúk on the occasion of his 75th birthday. Comenius University, Bratislava 2010, ISBN 978-80-223-2979-8 , pp. 561-574 ( PDF from archive.org ( Memento of July 14, 2014 in the Internet Archive )).
    • Petra Kieselbach: Metamorphosis of the stone - from raw material to cultural asset. Dissertation, University of Tübingen 2008 ( publications.uni-tuebingen.de ).
    • Guido Nockemann: Different types of economies within the LBK settlement Erkelenz-Kückhoven. In: A. Posluschny, K. Lambers, I. Herzog (Hrsg.): Layers of Perception. Proceedings of the 35th International Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology (CAA), Berlin, April 2–6, 2007. In: Koll. Vor- u. Frühgesch. Band 10, Bonn 2008, S. 373 (Abstract: archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de PDF).
    • Kathrin Nowak: Middle Neolithic flint exchange systems on the Aldenhovener Platte and in its surroundings. Dissertation University of Cologne, Cologne 2013 ( [35] on kups.ub.uni-koeln.de) here p. 5 f .; 34
    • A. Zimmermann : Exchange systems of flint artifacts in the ribbon ceramics of Central Europe (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 26). Bonn 1995, ISBN 3-7749-2574-7 .

    Cult and religion

    • Eszter Bánffy: Archaeological data on symbolic thinking in the European neolithic. Archaeological Institute of the HAS, Budapest, 13. April 2004 semioticon.com
    • Valeska Becker: Anthropomorphic sculpture of western linear ceramics (= Saarbrücker contributions to antiquity. Volume 83). 2 volumes. Habelt, Bonn 2011, ISBN 978-3-7749-3724-6 .
    • Claudia Gerling: Death in Younger Band Ceramics. The Schwetzingen cemetery. Heidelberg University, pp. 159–163 ( PDF: 256 kB, 5 pages on uni-heidelberg.de).
    • Jens Lüning: hair, hats, trouser suits. Traditional costumes of band ceramics and their role in ancestral cult. In: Erwin Keefer (Ed.): Living Past. From archaeological experiment to time travel. In: Archeology in Germany. Special issue 2006, pp. 52–64 ( PDF: 3.9 MB at academia.edu).
    • Hermann Maurer, Norbert Jama: Linear ceramic cult vessels from northern Lower Austria. In: Archeology of Austria. Vienna 17.2006, 1, ISSN 1018-1857 , pp. 18-20.
    • Hermann Maurer: Archaeological evidence of religious ideas and practices of the early and middle Neolithic in Lower Austria. In: Friedrich Berg, Hermann Maurer: IDOLS. Art and cult in the Waldviertel 7000 years ago. Horn 1998, pp. 23-138.
    • Hermann Maurer: Stone Age cult. In: Horner writings on prehistory and early history. Volume 7/8. Horn 1983, pp. 7-46.

    Literature on individual sites

    • Lee Clare, Kristin Heller and others: The band ceramics in the Altdorfer Tälchen near Inden . Philipp von Zabern in Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2015, ISBN 978-3-8053-4879-9 .
    • Margarete Dohrn-Ihmig: Investigations into ribbon ceramics in the Rhineland . Rheinland Verlag, Cologne 1974.
    • Klaus Eckerle: Band ceramics from the Baden Franconian region, ( Tauberbischofsheim and Messelhausen ). Otto Kehrer, Freiburg 1963.
    • Dmytro Gaskevych: Vita-Poshtova 2 - New The Easternmost Site of The Linear Band Pottery Culture. Archaeological Reports, (2006), Vol. 58, pp. 205–221 ( academia.edu ).
    • Claudia Gerling, Michael Francken: The linear ceramic cemetery of Schwetzingen. In: Archaeological Information. 30/1, 2007, pp. 43–50 Bulletin de la Société Suisse d'Anthropologie 13 (1), 2007 Bulletin of the Swiss Society for Anthropology 13 (1), 2007 ( journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de ).
    • Fabian Haack: The early Neolithic moat in Herxheim near Landau: architecture, backfilling processes and useful life. Dissertation, Free University of Berlin, Berlin 2014 ( diss.fu-berlin.de ).
    • Anne Hauzeur: Houses of the Linear Pottery Culture: Orientation and use of landscape in cultural context. Case studies of the Great-Duchy of Luxembourg. In: Antonio Guerci, Stefania Counselor, Simone Castagno (Hrsg.): The humanization process Proceedings of the XVI Congress of Italian Anthropologists (Genoa, 29-31 October 2005). Edicolors Publishing, Mailand 2006, S. 561–570 ( beeksverleden.nl PDF).
    • Eva M. Hillemeyer, Britta Ramminger: The earthenware of the oldest band ceramics in Wang , Freising district / For the band ceramic settlement in the Lower Niddertal. Studies on settlement archeology, Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2003, ISBN 3-7749-3153-4 .
    • Christian Jeunesse, Philippe Lefranc, Samuel van Willigen: The Palatine ceramics: definition and periodization of a new regional group of linear ceramics. In: Andrea Zeeb-Lanz (Ed.): Crises - Cultural Change - Continuities. At the end of ribbon ceramics in Central Europe. Contributions to the international conference in Herxheim near Landau (Palatinate) from 14. – 17. 06. 2007. Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westfalen 2009, ISBN 978-3-89646-440-8 , pp. 61-77 ( academia.edu ).
    • Claus J. Kind (Ed.): Ulm- Eggingen. Band ceramic settlement and medieval desertification. Landesdenkmalamt Baden-Württemberg, Konrad Theiss, Darmstadt 1989, ISBN 3-8062-0796-8 .
    • Claus J. Kind: The excavations in the ribbon ceramic settlement near Ulm-Eggingen. , Pp. 168-173. ( journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de ).
    • Jürgen Kneipp: Band ceramics between the Rhine, Weser and Main: Studies on the style and chronology of ceramics. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 1998, ISBN 3-7749-2862-2 .
    • Hans P. Kraft: Linear ceramics from the Neckar estuary and their chronological structure. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 1977, ISBN 3-7749-1416-8 .
    • Petr Květina and Markéta Končelová: Neolithic LBK Intrasite Settlement Patterns: A Case Study from Bylany (Czech Republic). Journal of Archaeology, Volume 2013 (2013), Article ID 581607, doi:10.1155/2013/581607.
    • Eva Lenneis (Ed.): Rosenburg im Kamptal, Lower Austria. A special place for the older linear ceramics (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 164). Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2009, ISBN 978-3-7749-3575-4 ( homepage.univie.ac.at PDF, 10 MB, 42 pages).
    • Jens Lüning: Schwanfeld , studies on the oldest band ceramics. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2011, ISBN 978-3-7749-3683-6 .
    • Jens Lüning: A settlement site for the oldest band ceramics in Bruchenbrücken, City of Friedberg, Hesse. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 1997, ISBN 3-7749-2735-9 .
    • Walter Meier-Arendt: The ceramic band culture in the Lower Maing area. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 1966, ISBN 3-7749-0282-8 .
    • Andrea Neth, Hans Ch. Strien: A settlement of the early band ceramics in Gerlingen. Landesdenkmalamt Baden-Württemberg, Konrad Theiss, Darmstadt 1999, ISBN 3-8062-1438-7 .
    • Robin Peters: Demographic-cultural cycles in the Neolithic. The band ceramics in the Rhineland and the Pfyner culture on Lake Constance. In: Archaeological Information. Volume 35, 2012, pp. 327–335 (summary of one's own master’s thesis at the University of Cologne 2011; online at journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de).
    • Franz Pieler: The ceramic band in the Horner basin (Lower Austria): Studies on the structure of an early Neolithic settlement chamber. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2010, ISBN 978-3-7749-3666-9 .
    • Elisabeth Ruttkay, Godfrid Wessbly, Petra Wolff: A cultural layer of the oldest linear ceramic band in Prellenkirchen, p. B. Brück, Mederösterreich. A contribution to the question of the origin of linear ceramic tape. In: Ann. Natural history. Mus. Vienna. No. 80, Vienna November 1976, pp. 843–861 ( PDF: 6 kB, 27 pages at landesmuseum.at).
    • Christoph C. Schade: The settlement history of the ceramic tape in the Mörlener Bucht / Wetterau: centrality and periphery, main and secondary locations, settlement associations. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3119-4 .
    • Elke Schmidgen-Hager: Band ceramics in the Moselle valley. Rudolf Habelt, Bonn 1993, ISBN 3-7749-2445-7 .
    • Kurt Schietzel: Müddersheim. A settlement of the younger band ceramics in the Rhineland. Böhlau-Verlag, Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 1998, ISBN 3-412-03765-6 .
    • Hans-Christoph Strien: Investigations on ceramic tape in Württemberg (= university research on prehistoric archeology. Volume 69). Habelt, Bonn 2000, ISBN 978-3-7749-3021-6 .
    • Andrea Zeeb-Lanz : Exciting story (s) about the first arable farmers in the Palatinate. Lectures at the conference of the Historical Association of the Palatinate. The first arable farmers in the Palatinate in the Neolithic Age in Herxheim near Landau on October 26th and 27th, 2012 ( PDF: 3.1 MB at hist-verein-pfalz.de).

    Documentation

    • Gabriele Wengler: The Stone Age crime scene: Germany 7,000 years ago. In: Terra X . ZDF & arte, Germany 2019 (43:30 minutes; development and end of the band ceramic culture info ).
    • Ingrid Eckerle: Nudes Neolithic. In: Experience archeology. Südwestrundfunk 2018 (44:44 minutes; why did people in the southwest settle down 7,500 years ago? Info )
    • Joachim Burger: Man, milk, cow. Settlement of Europe after the Ice Age. Forum Subject Didactics Biology 2012 University of Cologne presented on November 8, 2012 [36]
    • Eric Biermann: When did eternity end? The so called downfall of Linear Pottery culture. Köln/Cologne, Germany, 22nd Annual Meeting of the EEA 31st August – 4th September 2016 Vilnius [37]

    Weblinks

    Commons : Linear Pottery culture - images and media files

    Graphics

    • Detlef Gronenborn: Expansion of Agriculture. In: Archaeologie-online.de. (From: Where do we come from? Carpathian Basin presumed to be the cradle of our culture. University of Mainz, December 21, 2009).
    • Jens Lüning: In a long house. In: Schwanfeld.de. (Attempt of a graphic reconstruction of everyday tape ceramics).
    • Herxheim Museum: Bandkeramisches Haus 1. In: Landschaftsmuseum.de. (Reconstruction of a house of linear ceramics based on a floor plan by Straubing-Lerchenhaid; from: Die Bandkeramik - first peasant culture in Germany ).
    • The graphic reconstruction was carried out with artistic freedom based on scientific findings by Karol Schauer : Early Neolithic Shepherd. The body painting was based on an idol, Adonis von Zschernitz from Zschernitz (Saxony). [38] Life picture from a band ceramic settlement. Comparative finds are available for the ribbon patterns on the house posts; the hematin stains were widespread. [39] In: Thomas Otten , Jürgen Kunow , Michael M. Rind , Marcus Trier (eds.): Revolution young Stone Age. Archaeological State Exhibition of North Rhine Westphalia.2nd edition, Konrad Theis, WBG, Darmstadt 2016, ISBN 978-3-8062-3493-0 , pp. 25-26; H. Meller, F. Knoll, J. Filipp: Red - from life to death. Prehistoric red chalk and hematite finds from Central Germany. In: Harald Meller , C.-W. Wunderlich, Franziska Knoll (Ed.): Red - Archeology shows its colors. 5th Central German Archaeological Day from October 4th to 6th, 2012 in Halle (Saale). Conferences of the Landesmuseum, pre. Hall 10 (Halle [Saale] 2013). ( [40] on researchgate.net) here pp. 152–153
    • Michael Voselek, Ulrich Kiesow, Roland Seidel: aerial archeology - geology - thermography, (linear ceramic tape - long house ( attempt at reconstruction) [41] on archaeoflug.de and archaeopro.de)

    Individual evidence

    1. Before Present is an age indication, to "before today" and is used for uncalibrated 14 C data .
    2. Maciej Dębiec , Thomas Saile : To the easternmost settlements of the early band ceramics. Praehistorische Zeitschrift, December 2015, 90 (1-2): 1-19 DOI: 10.1515 / pz-2015-0008 ( [1] on researchgate.net)
    3. In Austria, the more recent time horizon (around 5200 to 4700 BC) of linear ceramics is called note head ceramics .
    4. a b c d T. Douglas Price, Joachim Wahl et al.: The ceramic burial ground of Stuttgart-Mühlhausen: New research results on migration behavior in the early Neolithic (= Fund reports Baden-Württemberg. Volume 27). Published by the State Office for Monument Preservation in the Stuttgart Regional Council. Konrad Theiss, Stuttgart 2003, pp. 23–58 ( online at researchgate.net; PDF: 454 kB, 36 pages at discovery.ucl.ac.uk).
    5. ^ Eva Lenneis, Peter Stadler: On the absolute chronology of linear ceramic tape based on 14 C data. In: Archeology of Austria. Volume 6, No. 2, 1995, pp. 4-13 ( full page on winserion.org).
    6. ^ Hans-Christoph Strien: Settlement history of the Zabergäus 5500-5000 BC Chr. Special print from: Christhard Schrenk, Peter Wanner (Ed.): Heilbronnica 5 - Contributions to the city and regional history Sources and research on the history of the city of Heilbronn. No. 20 (= yearbook for Swabian-Franconian history. Volume 37). Stadtarchiv Heilbronn, 2013, pp. 35–50 ( PDF: 932 kB, 17 pages at stadtarchiv.heilbronn.de).
    7. Graphic about the oldest (English earliest ), middle (English early ) and youngest LBK (English later ) [2] on neomilk-erc.eu ( [3] )
    8. Jens Lüning : New thoughts on naming the Neolithic periods. In: Germania . Volume 74, No. 1, 1996, pp. 233-237 ( online at uni-heidelberg.de).
    9. Valeska Becker: The eastern linear ceramics (Alföld linear ceramics). Status: November 2008, section: Chronology and relationships ( online at donau-archaeologie.de).
    10. Eszter Bánffy : Roots and origins of the first farmers from south-eastern Central Europe. P. 73–81 In: Thomas Otten , Jürgen Kunow , Michael M. Rind , Marcus Trier (eds.): Revolution jungSteinzeit. Archaeological State Exhibition of North Rhine Westphalia. 2nd edition, Konrad Theis, WBG, Darmstadt 2016, ISBN 978-3-8062-3493-0 , ( [4] on researchgate.net) here p. 79; Fig. 6
    11. Juraj Pavúk: Problem of the genesis of the culture with linear ceramics in the light of its relations to the Starčevo-Criş culture. In: J. Kozlowski, J. Machnik (eds.): Problèmes de la neolithisation dans certains régions de l'Europe. Ossolineum, Kraków 1980, pp. 163-174.
    12. Eszter Bánffy, Krisztián Oross: Development and dynamics of linear ceramic tape in Transdanubia. In: Claus Dobiat, Peter Ettel, Friederike Fless (eds.): Crises - Cultural Change - Continuities: At the end of the ceramic band in Central Europe. Contributions to the international conference in Herxheim near Landau (Palatinate) from 14. – 17. June 2007 (= International Archeology. Volume 10). Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westfalen 2009, ISBN 978-3-89646-440-8 , pp. 219-240 ( online at academia.edu).
    13. Jens Lüning : Birth out of contradiction: The emergence of ribbon ceramics from their mother culture Starčevo. In: Ünsal Yalçin (ed.): Anatolia and its neighbors 10,000 years ago. Anatolian Metal VII. In: The cut. Supplement 31 (= publications from the German Mining Museum Bochum. No. 214). Bochum 2016, ISBN 978-3-937203-81-2 , pp. 273-289 ( online at academia.edu).
    14. Anna Szécsényi-Nagy, Guido Brandt u. a.: Tracing the genetic origin of Europe’s first farmers reveals insights into their social organization. In: bioRxiv. 3. September 2014 (englisch; doi:10.1101/008664; bioRxiv: 2014/09/03/008664 (Preprint-Volltext)).
    15. Albert J. Ammerman, Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza: The Origins of Agriculture. In: Dieselben (Hrsg.): The Neolithic Transition and the Genetics of Populations in Europe. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey 1984 (doi:10.2307/j.ctt7zvqz7.7), S. 9–33.
    16. Silviane Scharl : The Neolithization of Europe - Models and Hypotheses. In: Archäologische Informations 26/2 (2003), pp. 243-254 ( online at journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de), here pp. 246 f.
    17. Wolfram Schier: Extensive fire cultivation and the spread of the Neolithic economy in Central Europe and Southern Scandinavia at the end of the 5th millennium BC Chr. In: Praehistorische Zeitschrift 84/1 (January 2009), pp. 15–43 ( [5] on researchgate.net), here p. 16 f.
    18. Eva Fernandez-Dominguez, Luke Reynolds: The Mesolithic-Neolithic Transition in Europe: A Perspective from Ancient Human DNA. In: García Puchol, Oreto, Salazar García, Domingo Carlos: Times of Neolithic Transition Along the Western Mediterranean. Springer, 2017, ISBN 978-3-319-52939-4, S. 311 f. (englisch).
    19. J. Burger, M. Kirchner u. a.: Absence of the lactasepersistence-associated allele in early Neolithic Europeans. In: Proceedings Nat. Acad. Sci. USA. Nr. 104, 2007, S. 3736–3741 (englisch).
    20. a b c Barbara Bramanti, Joachim Burger u. a.: Genetic Discontinuity Between Local Hunter-Gatherers and Central Europe’s First Farmers. In: Science. Band 326, Nr. 5949, 2. Oktober 2009, S. 137–140 (englisch; ISSN 0036-8075; doi:10.1126/science.1176869).
    21. There are basically two categories of factors that influence the migration decisions of people or groups of people. Push factors occur in the immediate area of ​​their sociotope and make it less attractive to continue living there. A push factor could be a climatic change, an increasing population with limited (limited) resources as well as competing ethnic groups etc. Pull factors occur at a potential destination and make it an attractive place for migration. A pull factor could be better settlement options, clan or group members, friends who have already moved to these places.
    22. Iain Mathieson, Iosif Lazaridis u. a.: Genome-wide patterns of selection in 230 ancient Eurasians. In: Nature. Nr. 528, 24. Dezember 2015, S. 499–503, hier S. 499 (englisch; doi:10.1038/nature16152).
    23. Vanmontfort, B.: Forager–farmer connections in an ‘unoccupied’ land: First contact on the western edge of LBK territory. J. Anthropol. Archaeol. (2008) 27, 149–160
    24. Nandor Kalicz: The oldest transdanubic (Central European) line ceramic. Aspects of origin, chronology and relationships. In: Acta Arch. Hungaricae. Volume 47, 1995, pp. 23-59.
    25. Silvane Scharl: The Neolithization of Europe - Selected Models and Hypotheses (= Würzburg work on prehistoric archeology. 2). Marie Leidorf, Rahden / Westphalia 2004, ISBN 3-89646-072-2 .
    26. Eszter Bánffy: The 6th Millennium BC boundary in western Transdanubia and its role in the Central European Neolithic transition (= Varia Archaeologica Hungarica. XV). Budapest 2004.
    27. Valeska Becker: The linear ceramic band. In: Danube Archeology. June 2008 ( online at donau-archaeologie.de).
    28. Andrea Naica-Loebell: The first European farmers were migrants. In: Telepolis . September 5, 2009, accessed January 19, 2019 .
    29. Wolfgang Haak: Population genetics of the first farmers in Central Europe. An aDNA Study on Neolithic Skeletal Material. Dissertation, University of Mainz 2006, pp. 11–13 ( [6] PDF (Memento from October 29, 2013 in the Internet Archive))
    30. Press release: DNA analyzes prove that early farmers in Central Europe came from the Middle East. University of Mainz, November 9, 2010 ( online at uni-mainz.de).
    31. Claus-Joachim Kind: Complex foragers and early arable farmers. Remarks on the spread of linear ceramic tape in southern Central Europe. In: Report of the Roman-Germanic Commission. Vol. 76, No. 1, 1998, pp. 1-23 ( ISSN 0016-8874 ).
    32. Silviane Scharl: The Neolithization of Europe - Models and Hypotheses. In: Archaeological Information. Volume 26, No. 2, 2003, pp. 243-254 ( online at journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de).
    33. Alexey G. Nikitin, Peter Stadler, Nadezhda Kotova, MariaTeschler-Nicola, T. Douglas Price, Jessica Hoover, Douglas J. Kennett, Iosif Lazaridis, Nadin Rohland, Mark Lipson, David Reich: Interactions between earliest Linearbandkeramik farmers and central European hunter gatherers at the dawn of European Neolithization. Scientific Reports. 2019 Dec;9 (1):19544. DOI: 10.1038/s41598-019-56029-2.([7] auf eu